關於 social democracy中文 ，我們在網路上蒐集到這些相關的討論、資訊與評價

【吳文遠十一遊行案法庭陳詞 — 中文譯本】

法官閣下：

從小我父母便教我要有同理心，要關顧社會上相對不幸的人。儘管在早年職業生涯上取得不俗成就，但我從來沒有意欲將追求個人財富視為人生目標。

當我在國外生活了多年後回到香港定居時，我為這個我自豪地稱之為家的城市，存在如此嚴重的社會不平等而感到困惑和擔憂。 令我震驚的是，社會如何漠視對窮人和少數族裔的歧視。既有的社會結構，有時甚至會鼓勵這種歧視繼續發生。同時，我們也無法一如其它地方，享有基本的民主權利和自由。

這些都是我參與社會運動以至參與政治的動機。我希望盡己所能，為被忽視的弱勢階層鼓與呼，替不能為自己發聲的人說話。

與許多人相比，我很幸運能夠接受良好教育，並擁有一定程度上的財務自由和社會地位。我們很幸運，能夠過上舒適生活，並有自由選擇我們的道路。我選擇為社會平等而奮鬥。其實這個法庭上許多人都差不多，我們都喜歡香港，這個稱為家的地方。或許我們在生活中選擇了不同的角色，但目標都是相同：為他人服務。

可悲的是，我擔心我們已經逐漸成為社會制度中的例外。當下許多香港人根本沒有那些機會，包括貧困長者，欠缺向上流動機會、被邊緣化的年輕人，還有犧牲所有時間但只能為家庭僅僅維持基本生活的工人。這些人再努力，生活中的選擇仍然局限於維持生計。對他們來說，「選擇」是負擔不起的奢侈品，更不用說如何決定自己的命運。

在生活壓力下，我們的視野通常很難超越自身的社交圈子，更難的是對陌生人展現同理心。兩極化的政治分歧產生越來越多裂痕，令我們有時候無法互相理解、和而不同，亦不願意試圖尋求某種程度的妥協。

我一直希望，一個較民主的制度能夠成為一道橋樑，彌合上述社會鴻溝，或者至少容讓我們選擇怎樣共同生活。

2019年的動盪，為整個社會帶來了沉重的打擊。無論政治立場如何，我敢肯定這個法庭上有許多人，都為此而傷心欲絕。整座城市都被不信任、仇恨和恐懼所淹沒。今天固然不是討論這個問題的合適地方，但我希望法庭能夠理解，僅靠司法機構並不能解決已經根深蒂固的社會政治鴻溝。

我們需要集體力量、勇氣、誠實和同理心來修補我們的家。看看幾位同案被告，他們在服務社會方面有著非凡的紀錄。比起囚禁在監獄，我相信他們能夠對社會作出更大貢獻。

為了追求全體香港人的權利，我的確違反了法律，並且已準備面對法院的判決。令人敬重的幾位同案被告，畢生捍衛法治，為民主而戰，為無聲者發聲，我十分榮幸能夠與他們並肩同行。

我相信終有一天，籠罩我們城市的烏雲將會消散，光明將會重臨，愛和同理心將會戰勝歸來。

吳文遠
2021年5月24日

Avery Ng Man Yuen’s Statement

Your Honour,

I was brought up by my parents to value the importance of empathy, to care and to feel for others in our community less fortunate. Although I enjoyed great success early in my career, I never had a desire to pursue personal wealth in the more traditional sense.

When I settled back in Hong Kong after years of living abroad, I was baffled and disturbed by how severe the social inequality existed in a city I am proud to call my home. I was struck at how discrimination against the poor and the minorities far too often goes ignored or can even at times is encouraged by the established social structure; and how we cannot have the basic democratic rights and freedoms that other places enjoy.

These were my motivations to join social activism and enter into politics. I chose to spend my energy to speak for the underprivileged, the disenchanted and often ignored segments of society. To offer a voice for those who could not speak for themselves.

Compared to many, I am privileged to have a great education and a certain level of financial freedom and social standing. We are fortunate enough to be able to lead comfortable lives and have the freedom to choose the path that we take. I chose to fight for social equality. Many of those in this court are not that much different. We all love Hong Kong, the place we call home. We chose our different roles in life but with the same aim: to serve others.

Sadly, I fear that many of us are increasingly the exception to the rule. Today far too many Hong Kong people do not have that chance, whether that is our elderly who live in poverty, marginalized youth with few opportunities for social mobility, or workers who give up all their time slaving away to provide the bare minimum for their families. These people all struggle to make ends meet with very limited options in life. “Choice” for them is a luxury that they cannot afford. Let alone having the gratification of being able to dictate their own destiny.

I recognise, with the pressures of life, it is often difficult for people to see beyond their own social bubble. It is harder still to acquire empathy for strangers. Polarized political division increasingly has driven a wedge between people, making it sometimes impossible for people to understand and empathise with one another, to disagree agreeably, and attempt to find some level of compromise.

It has always been my hope that a more democratic system could be the bridge that heals this social divide or at the very least allow us to choose how we can live together in our home.

I’m certain that none of us in this court wanted to see the turmoil in 2019, which has seen our whole society suffer regardless of political preference. Distrust, hatred, and fear has engulfed Hong Kong. Today is certainly not the right forum for this immense topic. However, I hope the court can understand that the Judiciary alone cannot resolve the deep-rooted socio-political divide which exist.

It will take our collective strength, courage, honesty, and empathy to mend our home. Looking at my fellow defendants with their extraordinary history in serving this society, I believe they can do far greater good among us in society than being locked in prison.

In pursuit of the rights of all Hong Kong people, I have broken the law. I am prepared to face the court’s judgement. I am proud to be in the company of my esteemed fellows who have spent their lives championing the rule of law, fighting for the democracy and voicing for the voiceless.

I believe the storm-clouds that currently reside over our home will one day lift, and make way for a bright and clear day. I believe love and empathy will eventually prevail.
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【Joshua Wong speaking to the Italian Senate】#意大利國會研討會演說 —— 呼籲世界在大學保衛戰一週年後與香港人站在同一陣線

中文、意大利文演說全文：https://www.patreon.com/posts/44167118

感謝開創未來基金會（Fondazione Farefuturo）邀請，讓我透過視像方式在意大利國會裡舉辦的研討會發言，呼籲世界繼續關注香港，與香港人站在同一陣線。

意大利作為絕無僅有參與一帶一路發展的國家，理應對中共打壓有更全面的理解，如今正值大學保衛戰一週年，以致大搜捕的時刻，當打壓更為嚴峻，香港更需要世界與我們同行。

為了讓各地朋友也能更了解香港狀況，我已在Patreon發佈當天演說的中文、英文和意大利文發言稿，盼望在如此困難的時勢裡，繼續讓世界知道我們未曾心息的反抗意志。

【The Value of Freedom: Burning Questions for Hong Kongers】

Good morning. I have the privilege today to share some of my thoughts and reflections about freedom, after taking part in social activism for eight years in Hong Kong. A movement calling for the withdrawal of the extradition law starting from last year had escalated into a demand for democracy and freedom. This city used to be prestigious for being the world’s most liberal economy, but now the infamous authoritarian government took away our freedom to election, freedom of assembly, freedom of expression and ideas.

Sometimes, we cannot avoid questioning the cause we are fighting for, the value of freedom. Despite a rather bleak prospect, why do we have to continue in this struggle? Why do we have to cherish freedom? What can we do to safeguard freedom at home and stay alert to attacks on freedom? In answering these questions, I hope to walk through three episodes in the previous year.

Turning to 2020, protests are not seen as frequently as they used to be on the media lens, partly because of the pandemic, but more importantly for the authoritarian rule. While the world is busy fighting the pandemic, our government took advantage of the virus to exert a tighter grip over our freedom. Putting the emergency laws in place, public assemblies in Hong Kong were banned. Most recently, a rally to support press freedom organized by journalists was also forbidden. While many people may ask if it is the end of street activism, ahead of us in the fight for freedom is another battleground: the court and the prison.

Freedom Fighters in Courtrooms and in Jail

Part of the huge cost incurred in the fight for freedom and democracy in Hong Kong is the increasing judicial casualties. As of today, more than 10 thousand people have been arrested since the movement broke out, more than a hundred of them are already locked up in prison. Among the 2,300 protestors who are prosecuted, 700 of them may be sentenced up to ten years for rioting charges.

Putting these figures into context, I wish to tell you what life is like, as a youngster in today’s Hong Kong. I was humbled by a lot of younger protestors and students whose exceptional maturity are demonstrated in courtrooms and in prison. What is thought to be normal university life is completely out of the question because very likely the neighbour next door or the roommate who cooked you lunch today will be thrown to jail on the next.

I do prison visits a few times a month to talk to activists who are facing criminal charges or serving sentences for their involvement in the movement. It is not just a routine of my political work, but it becomes my life as an activist. Since the movement, prison visits has also become the daily lives of many families.

But it is always an unpleasant experience passing through the iron gates one after one to enter the visitors’ room, speaking to someone who is deprived of liberty, for a selflessly noble cause. As an activist serving three brief jail terms, I understand that the banality of the four walls is not the most difficult to endure in jail. What is more unbearable is the control of thought and ideas in every single part of our daily routine enforced by the prison system. It will diminish your ability to think critically and the worst of it will persuade you to give up on what you are fighting for, if you have not prepared it well. Three years ago when I wrote on the first page of prison letters, which later turned into a publication called the ‘Unfree Speech’, I was alarmed at the environment of the prison cell. Those letters were written in a state in which freedom was deprived of and in which censorship was obvious. It brings us to question ourselves: other than physical constraints like prison bars, what makes us continue in the fight for freedom and democracy?

Mutual Support to activists behind-the-scene

The support for this movement is undiminished over these 17 months. There are many beautiful parts in the movement that continue to revitalise the ways we contribute to this city, instead of making money on our own in the so-called global financial centre. In particular, it is the fraternity, the mutual assistance among protestors that I cherished the most.

As more protestors are arrested, people offer help and assistance wholeheartedly -- we sit in court hearings even if we don’t know each other, and do frequent prison visits and write letters to protesters in detention. In major festivals and holidays, people gathered outside the prison to chant slogans so that they won’t feel alone and disconnected. This is the most touching part to me for I also experienced life in jail.

The cohesion, the connection and bonding among protestors are the cornerstone to the movement. At the same time, these virtues gave so much empowerment to the mass public who might not be able to fight bravely in the escalating protests. These scenes are not able to be captured by cameras, but I’m sure it is some of the most important parts of Hong Kong’s movement that I hope the world will remember.

I believe this mutual support transcends nationality or territory because the value of freedom does not alter in different places. More recently, Twelve Hongkong activists, all involved in the movement last year, were kidnapped by China’s coastal guard when fleeing to Taiwan for political refugee in late-August. All of them are now detained secretly in China, with the youngest aged only 16. We suspect they are under torture during detention and we call for help on the international level, putting up #SAVE12 campaign on twitter. In fact, how surprising it is to see people all over the world standing with the dozen detained protestors for the same cause. I’m moved by activists in Italy, who barely knew these Hong Kong activists, even took part in a hunger strike last month calling for immediate release of them. This form of interconnectivity keeps us in spirit and to continue our struggle to freedom and democracy.

Understanding Value of freedom in the university battle
A year ago on this day, Hong Kong was embroiled in burning clashes as the police besieged the Polytechnic University. It was a day we will not forget and this wound is still bleeding in the hearts of many Hong Kongers. A journalist stationed in the university at that time once told me that being at the scene could only remind him of the Tiananmen Square Massacre 31 years ago in Beijing. There was basically no exit except going for the dangerous sewage drains.

That day, thousands of people, old or young, flocked to districts close to the university before dawn, trying to rescue protestors trapped inside the campus. The reinforcements faced grave danger too, for police raided every corner of the small streets and alleys, arresting a lot of them. Among the 800+ arrested on a single day, 213 people were charged with rioting. For sure these people know there will be repercussions. It is the conscience driving them to take to the streets regardless of the danger, the conscience that we should stand up to brutality and authoritarianism, and ultimately to fight for freedoms that are guaranteed in our constitution. As my dear friend, Brian Leung once said, ‘’Hong Kong Belongs to Everyone Who Shares Its Pain’’. I believe the value of freedom is exemplified through our compassion to whom we love, so much that we are willing to sacrifice the freedom of our own.

Defending freedom behind the bars

No doubt there is a terrible price to pay in standing up to the Beijing and Hong Kong government. But after serving a few brief jail sentences and facing the continuing threat of harassment, I learnt to cherish the freedom I have for now, and I shall devote every bit what I have to strive for the freedom of those who have been ruthlessly denied.

The three episodes I shared with you today -- the courtroom, visiting prisoners and the battle of university continue to remind me of the fact that the fight for freedom has not ended yet. In the coming months, I will be facing a maximum of 5 years in jail for unauthorized assembly and up to one ridiculous year for wearing a mask in protest. But prison bars would never stop me from activism and thinking critically.

I only wish that during my absence, you can continue to stand with the people of Hong Kong, by following closely to the development, no matter the ill-fated election, the large-scale arrest under National Security Law or the twelve activists in China. To defy the greatest human rights abusers is the essential way to restore democracy of our generation, and the generation following us.

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这是我四年前些的文章，今早FB弹出来，再share一次。

我给民主行动党50週年党庆的箴言

文/丘光耀博士

今年是民主行动党50週年“党庆年”。我适逢今年七月退党，然斗争精神一刻都没有离开过。

我相信讲真话是美德，历史学者也最忌讳作假。我仅此向行动党的朋友们，提出我的一些观察和善意批评。

这个党，从被讥笑为“万年反对党”，到“308”终于能一尝州级执政权力，甚至在“505”距离问鼎布城，只有一步之遥而已。

五十年，对于一个严肃、老牌的社会民主主义党，它有过高峰，也有过困顿；它有过重创，也有过复兴，然而它未来将走向何处？当下新的政治格局，包括选委会新一轮的选区划分，这套游戏规则，对于循选举斗争的行动党，其势力会进一步扩张，还是逐步萎缩，以致打回原型？

半个世纪以来，大马国人尤其非马来人，对行动党都投以极大的热情和希望，即使在上个世纪，没有机会看到火箭执政的岁月，所谓的“钟摆定律”，都从未让行动党沦为一蹶不起的“蚊子反对党”。

五十年以来，非马来人支持行动党，理由可以很多，诸如要教训国阵（巫统）、国家不能没有反对党、火箭比其他反对党可靠、行动党高调反贪污、行动党领袖不畏坐牢、马华民政太无能，甚至林吉祥的政治硬汉形象等等，不一而足。

然而在我看来，支持行动党最关键的公约数，就是非马来选民都大致认同，大马是一个多元民族的国家，因此“马来西亚人的马来西亚”比巫统的“马来人的马来西亚”更适合奉为大马建国的核心理念。

众所周知，“马来西亚人的马来西亚”，这是行动党领袖在群众演讲、政治文告、文宣传单、布条横幅、政策宣言最常用的一句口号/概念/主题/词彙。然而，这麽显性的斗争目标，这十个字，却从未列在党章的“宗旨”里头。

反之，行动党另一个隐形的意识形态，即：民主社会主义（Democratic Socialism），从1966年就被列为党章“宗旨”的第一条，演进到2005年修改新党章，在“宗旨”依然是位列第一，只不过表述改成了“社会民主主义”（Social Democracy），这和欧洲许多兄弟党的修章发展逻辑，基本一致。

这个反差现象值得研究。

在火箭党争的历史上，派系挑战者（如KOKS派系）都曾指责林吉祥背弃“马来西亚人的马来西亚”；然指责行动党不重视“民主社会主义”者，唯独柯嘉逊博士一人。

在我看来，林吉祥领导行动党的时代，确实不很重视左翼意识形态的论述和理论建设，因为自513后，“左右对峙”和“阶级矛盾” 从未在大马的朝野政党竞争中突出过。林吉祥也似乎不很在意对手的意识形态批判，因为他知道社会各界普遍不感兴趣，亦不会影响选举大局。

我这麽说，不意味大马没有阶级剥削问题，而是“阶级意识”（class consciousness）被“种族意识”遮蔽，导致前者不彰。加上社会经济结构的转型，工人的“阶级意识”根本就无法促进工运的发展，反而促退。而行动党作为社会民主主义政党，五十年来从未靠工运来做阶级动员，这跟欧洲的兄弟党状况有所不同。

即便如此，我不认同一些激进左翼人士所曰，“种族意识”是伪问题，是剥削阶级（执政的资产阶级集团）蓄意製造出来转移社会矛盾的政治烟雾。

原因很简单，我认为，人，不会只有一种社会属性。

他/她有阶级属性，也有民族属性、宗教属性、性别（性向）属性，甚至如东马两邦，有地域属性。故此，他/她面对的身份认同，遭遇的社会歧视，面对的社会压迫，或者说包括享有的社会特权，其实都是多面向的。

好比一个人，一个女人，一个穆斯林女人，一个在一夫多妻制下“共夫”的女人，一个家庭经济拮据的女人，一个在马来甘榜不具备现代化教育所赋予白领阶级谋生技能的女人，你说，她活在当今的大马所面对的多种压迫和剥削，独尊左翼的阶级斗争理论，可以提供全面的分析和答案吗？

一个人，一个男人，一个出自基督教传统家庭背景的男人，一个同性恋男人，一个华小毕业，有独中文凭，放洋留学的男性中产阶级，但经济状况却逐步向下流动的大都会工薪管理人员，请问，他在国阵统治下的马来西亚，难道只面对单一的压迫和歧视？

故此，行动党作为“进步政治”（progressive politics），它要代表被压迫、被歧视、被剥削的马来西亚人，就必须认识到国阵这股保守的统治力量，从阶级、民族、文化、宗教、性别各个面向都是压迫者和剥削者。

然而，多元的大马，历经国阵60年的种族威权统治，已沦为一个严重分化的社会。伊斯兰原教旨的崛起，又成为新添加的反动势力，让穆斯林和非穆斯林，面对多一重的社会压迫。

恕我直言，行动党近年来因为“政治正确”，为开拓“选举蓝海”、“爱马来人”以及“不要让马来人感到不安”的思路，隐隐约约地盘旋在某些党高层的脑海裡，以致逐渐将政治工作的重点，转移到“争取马来人的支持”，而非“争取被压迫马来西亚人的支持”。

在我看来，马来人不是铁板一块，应该按社会属性，区别对待。

首先，我们在招收马来党员时，切记要重质而非重量，更不能“凡马必收”。马来人有进步的、中庸的、开明的，具现代化脑袋的，甚至是激进的，这些才是我们要招收和培养的对象（未来议员）。那些属民族保守的、政治投机的、宗教反动的、敌营跳槽的，一定要审慎审核，不然后患无穷。

再则，行动党的支持力量，主要是“被压迫的马来西亚人”，这尤以“民族压迫”和“文化压迫”最为显著。所以非马来老百姓除了面对马来老百姓在日常生活中所面对同样的阶级剥削外，前者还多受一层民族压迫和文化歧视的苦难。故此，行动党不能将非马来社会所面对的多种压迫问题，为顾全“争取马来人支持”这个大局（big picture）而淡化处理。

第三，行动党应该按自己的“原我正面形象”在多元的社会裡大展拳脚，而非因顾及巫统在马来社会所塑造的“假我扭曲形象”而绑手绑脚。我们是清廉的，不会因为巫统污衊“林冠英买便宜算贪污”而受累。我们是信仰多元世俗价值的，不要因为伊斯兰党和巫统的反动教条而害怕马来人误解我们。我们是主张民族平等的，不要因为“爱马来人”，怕“引起马来人的不安”而搁置我们“马来西亚人的马来西亚”之鲜明旗帜。火箭原本就是1965年马新分家的历史产物，不要因为马来人害怕李光耀而在处理党史时蓄意遮蔽民主行动党和人民行动党的历史渊源。还有，火箭的第一任秘书长蒂凡纳曾是新加坡总统，这是事实，也是荣耀，无需害怕马来人知道。

第四，我们在政治战略上当重视巫统，但在选举战术上不能忽视国阵华基成员党。近期有中央领袖表示，行动党今后的主要敌人是巫统，不必在乎马华民政，恕我不能苟同有关分析。马华民政虽然在505后大败，但并未彻底崩盘，它们在华社传统的商会、宗乡团、神庙、地方组织、报社都还有桩脚，华校董事局也都是他们的势力范围，力量发展大到甚至可以攻陷董教总，所以行动党绝不能等閒视之。再则，我们505中选的新科议员，包括马来和印裔议员，也有地方服务记录欠佳，口碑很差的州级领袖，这都是我们的软肋。最为关键的是，行动党出战的选区，主要还是面对马华民政和人联党。好比在柔佛州，除了林吉祥硬撼巫统，其他候选人主要还是对垒马华。所以，华社面对的议题，非马来人面对的多重压迫，我们都要积极应对，否则下场就是“安顺补选”扩大化的悲剧。

如果我们真的认为巫统才是火箭敌人，那麽我们在马来乡镇有否配置“软实力”佔据回教堂？我们在马来公务员系统有多少统战人脉？我们是否准备由马来同胞担任秘书长一职？我们是否准备修改党章，在各个党组织设“宗教司局”，然后再向希望联盟的友党争取更多马来选区上阵，和巫统全面开打？

很显然，上述的假设是不存在的，因为没有社会客观条件作为战略和战术部署的基础。尤其在明年，国会通过新的选区划分后，大马的政治版图基本是在“红海竞争”，即“行动党的红海”和“巫统的红海”，彼此间没多少交叉的“蓝海”可以再被对手开拓。

纵观50年走过的风雨路，我建议行动党今后应该定位在捍卫马来西亚“宪政世俗”和“多元民主主义”的进步政治。基于种族比例的结构性制约，加上民族和宗教压迫的多重性矛盾，行动党的选举，不可能奢望“红蓝通吃”，欧洲兄弟党曾经有尝试要设“左右通吃”的“全民党”（catch all party）定位，但最终这个路线被证明走不通，不仅让自己的传统支持者离散，也助长了极右翼民粹主义的抬头，顾此失彼，得不偿失。

“政治正确”走过了头，真理也会变成谬误。

实事求是，脚踏实地，积极耕耘，固本培元。我就送给行动党人这16个字。