🌻台灣仍在居家隔離期. 台灣居住空間較小, 居家隔離難度較高. 尤其這次面對的病毒也比較凶猛. 祝大家平安. 在此提供一些當時我居家隔離時所做的一些事情, 供大家參考:
--對家人睜一隻眼, 閉一隻眼. 一家人天天在一起難免會有不順的時候, 不過能夠在一起很珍貴.
--買香料公司已經調好的香料包做料理. 這樣省時間, 也可以不用傷腦筋, 也讓煮飯多了點變化(可參考這網站: https://www.mccormick.com/spices-and-flavors/recipe-mixes/mccormick-one)
--做手工藝(當時有做一個花圈wreath)
--看書, 看劇, 在線上與股友聊天, 看年報, 整理財報內容
--多睡覺
--研究園藝, 在家裡養了很多綠色植物
--整理家裡, 做收納, 移動家具
--晚上喝點小酒, 解壓助眠(不過要注意有可能會胡言亂語😅)
🌻Docusign(DOCU), Crowdstrike(CRWD)的電話會議內容已整理好. 有興趣的讀者可以到部落格那邊去看:
https://makingsenseofusastocks.blogspot.com/
🌻附上本周發表財報公司一覽表(請見附圖)
🌻U.S. 10-Year Treasury Yield Slips Below 1.5%
https://www.wsj.com/articles/10-year-treasury-yield-dips-below-1-5-11623256393
🌻俄亥俄州 躍全球太陽能重鎮
顧問公司Wood Mackenzie統計,去年美國太陽能新增發電量創新高,且2030年前將再增加三倍。First Solar表示,俄亥俄州太陽能面板園區未來主要供應美國市場。近年太陽能產業多數零件來自中國,尤其在去年疫情爆發後,美國重大產業過度依賴海外供應鏈的風險激增,令拜登政府誓言重振美國製造業,並大力推動綠能產業發展。
https://www.chinatimes.com/newspapers/20210611000866-260203?chdtv
🌻華爾街日報》美國經濟快速復甦,就業成長為何沒跟上?工作機會被科技進步吃掉了!
https://www.storm.mg/article/3743297
"其中一個受益者是CardFree Inc.,該公司為餐飲經營者設計和運營線上和移動點餐系統。CardFree的首席執行官Jon Squire稱,該公司的應用軟體讓餐館能夠更好地預測和管理收到的訂單,以優化人員和產能調配。"
🌻現金太多 美銀行業者向企業喊話:別來存款
https://www.worldjournal.com/wj/story/121477/5524281
🌻華爾街日報選文(中文)
最近花了不少時間看報紙, 發現報紙還真好看, 除了學到不少財經知識外, 華爾街日報(WSJ)有些文章都挺有深度的. 有時候還一邊看一邊畫重點.
Anyway. 發現這個中文網站, 會翻譯一些WSJ的好文章. 值得書籤(bookmark)起來:
https://www.storm.mg/category/173479
🌻去年很多EV方面的新公司或是小公司. 這篇文章的觀點挺好, 說做EV, 要能夠scale(規模化地拓展)也很重要: https://www.wsj.com/articles/why-electric-vehicle-stocks-are-stuck-in-reverse-11622709998
"Still, the classic Silicon Valley disruption story isn’t playing out in the auto industry as once expected. With their big batteries, EVs are shaping up to be an industrial product that benefits from the kind of industrial scale 20th century manufacturers are good at. This advantage may not persist as other, software-based automotive technologies take off—in-vehicle internet and ultimately automated driving. But these are probably questions for another year."
可以跟這篇一起看:
Lordstown Motors的預警凸顯電動汽車初創公司的資金難題
https://cn.wsj.com/articles/lordstown-motors%E7%9A%84%E9%A0%90%E8%AD%A6%E5%87%B8%E9%A1%AF%E9%9B%BB%E5%8B%95%E6%B1%BD%E8%BB%8A%E5%88%9D%E5%89%B5%E5%85%AC%E5%8F%B8%E7%9A%84%E8%B3%87%E9%87%91%E9%9B%A3%E9%A1%8C-11623304812
🌻
即便亞馬遜和沃爾瑪也難理順美國醫療健康亂局
美國企業有無數個理由進軍甚至顛覆醫療健康行業,但即使是技術天才也會發現這個領域令人費解。
https://cn.wsj.com/articles/%E5%8D%B3%E4%BE%BF%E4%BA%9E%E9%A6%AC%E9%81%9C%E5%92%8C%E6%B2%83%E7%88%BE%E7%91%AA%E4%B9%9F%E9%9B%A3%E7%90%86%E9%A0%86%E7%BE%8E%E5%9C%8B%E9%86%AB%E7%99%82%E5%81%A5%E5%BA%B7%E4%BA%82%E5%B1%80-11622432113
🌻信任(trust)
這兩天看了一部電影and一本書的評論, 發現觸及的主題是一樣的: 信任.
電影是Disney Plus上面的"巡龍使者: 拉雅". 書是一本新書"The Power of Giving Away Power".
我發現一個團體要把事情做好, 重要的不是每個人的能力有多強, 而是彼此能否信任. 當大家都有共識(英文有個片語是, "on the same page"), 有同樣的目標的時候, 事情會好辦很多. 但這其實不容易做到(就像電影中的Raya一樣, 還必須先犧牲自己, 才能說服夥伴.)
Anyway. 覺得這題材挺有趣的, 也是生活中常碰到的事情. 分享給大家.
"巡龍使者: 拉雅"影評: https://movie1314.pixnet.net/coblog/post/353485640
"The Power of Giving Away Power"書評:
https://www.wsj.com/articles/the-power-of-giving-away-power-review-the-stars-look-down-11623277080
Pictures: 網路, Amazon, earningswhispers.com
同時也有2部Youtube影片,追蹤數超過6萬的網紅大人的玩具,也在其Youtube影片中提到,跪求有空的朋友 為影片加上字幕(中文即可) 萬分感謝 https://www.youtube.com/timedtext_cs_panel?tab=2&c=UC1FmA48qj1YOYQ5I6j4l6YA 如果覺得我介紹的不錯,歡迎贊助我的開箱影片(Please support my video ...
「scale down中文」的推薦目錄:
scale down中文 在 讀書e誌 Facebook 的最讚貼文
“你做得再多永遠不夠,但放手一搏就對了” 歐巴馬得到諾貝爾和平獎後,感受到過去爭取和平自由的勇士們內心的吶喊
“Whatever you do won’t be enough, I heard their voices say. Try anyway.”
十分應景的一本書。沉甸甸的八百多頁花了好久才讀完。如果以個人故事來說,我喜歡他妻子蜜雪兒歐巴馬的自傳。但做8年美國總統的視角,其中的精采和豐富經驗絕,非一般書籍可以看到。歐巴馬的文筆相當好(我這次讀中文版都可以感覺到。也感謝出版社翻譯得如此到位!),從他的筆下可以一窺這精彩的8年這位大國領袖如何思考世界各種大事。(這裡是讀書心得分享,沒有要討論政治喔!)
讀這本書最大的感想就是美國許多議題上的兩極化,並不是現在才開始的。從二戰後許多的事件堆疊在一起,再加上飛行越來越方便,兩黨國會議員並不是都住在華府,彼此和彼此家庭之間沒有像以前那樣的互動,讓跨黨派合作推動重要議題的難度加高。歐巴馬一就任,要先面對2008年金融危機的問題,以及後來處理健保的問題,都可以看見爭取雙方合作的難度之高。
再來他從參議員快速竄起,並且後來成為總統,他自己都形容是由一種神奇的動能(momentum) 在推進的這一切。這當中他成功的使用網路的力量,在小額募款以及理念的傳播上,都比對手更加善用。但他也承認後來許多議題的推動,甚至是演講時不小心說錯話,還有許多決策未明時的各種小道消息,同樣也因著網路的力量,變得更難溝通更難釐清了。當時被競爭對手碰及經驗不足的他,的確展現了快速學習,找出中心思想的能力。他敘述如何組織各式團隊,找出當中的菁英,並且能夠對各種議題快速學習,到能夠判斷專家們給他的建議,都是很值得借鏡的精神。
為什麼要取名為“應許之地”呢?我認為就像以色列人出埃及的故事一般,通往自由的應許之地,路程往往比想像中的更漫長,但絕對值得世代合作努力,走到那樣的一個願景。他在美國人一片期望改變的聲浪中當選總統,帶著熱情的理想個性努力著,卻也深深的體會到期望值過高時,人們容易放棄希望的傾向。寫這本自傳,除了誠實地盤點自己的經歷之外,歐巴馬也是在傳達這一種堅毅的盼望 -- 真正自由平等的社會雖然路途遙遙,甚至一個世代難以完成,但絕對值得放手一搏去努力,並且相信一代一定比一代更好。
“The truth is, I’ve never been a big believer in destiny. I worry that it encourages resignation in the down-and-out and complacency among the powerful. I suspect that God’s plan, whatever it is, works on a scale too large to admit our mortal tribulations; that in a single lifetime, accidents and happenstance determine more than we care to admit.”
(其實我從來就不是一個堅決相信宿命的人,為我認為那樣的想法會讓卑微的人放棄努力而有權力的人維持現狀。我猜測上帝的計畫,不管那計畫是什麼,遠超過我們有限生命的苦難。這一個人的有生年日,意外和機運對我們的影響,超過我們所願意承認的範圍)
全文與相關延伸書籍鏈結在部落格中
https://dushuyizhi.net/a-promised-land-應許之地-歐巴馬回憶錄/
#APromisedLand #應許之地 #Obama #歐巴馬
scale down中文 在 黃之鋒 Joshua Wong Facebook 的精選貼文
【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】
***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated,將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像:以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文(https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/)翻譯成英文,鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演,在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***
中文精簡版本:https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/
Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.
In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.
The possibility of realizing legislative majority
Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.
The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?
Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.
Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.
Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority
To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.
While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.
Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.
Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.
Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP
What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.
Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.
The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.
Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution
Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.
Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.
The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.
All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.
https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw
scale down中文 在 大人的玩具 Youtube 的最讚貼文
跪求有空的朋友
為影片加上字幕(中文即可)
萬分感謝
https://www.youtube.com/timedtext_cs_panel?tab=2&c=UC1FmA48qj1YOYQ5I6j4l6YA
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開箱介紹:VGM28 蝙蝠俠:阿卡漢騎士 阿卡漢騎士~ by 大人的玩具
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VGM28 蝙蝠俠:阿卡漢騎士 阿卡漢騎士
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參考預購價: 6,300元
預購截止日: 2017年7月13日
預計發貨日: 2018年第二季
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- 精心打造阿卡漢騎士於《蝙蝠俠:阿卡漢騎士》遊戲的造型
- 一個藍色阿卡漢騎士頭盔連LED發光眼睛(白光,需電池啟動)
- 一個可替換「紅頭罩」頭盔
- 約32cm高
- 多達30個可動關節素體
- 9隻可替換手掌包括
- 一對拳頭
- 一對放鬆手掌
- 一對握武器手掌
- 一對握配件手掌
- 一個指示手勢右手掌
服飾造型:
- 一套高度還原,細緻剪裁的迷彩圖案阿卡漢騎士戰衣連裝甲
- 一條多功能腰帶
- 一對黑色與藍色護腕甲
- 一對黑色與藍色長靴
- 一組可替換紅色「紅頭罩」裝甲配件(胸部、手部、腿部)
武器:
- 一把狙擊槍
- 一把手槍
- 兩把改裝手槍
- 3個煙霧彈
配件:
- 印有《蝙蝠俠:阿卡漢騎士》遊戲logo及角色名牌地台連背景板
scale down中文 在 NoseHair-Wan鼻毛王 Youtube 的最佳解答
工作好累.....
話說Peebee說她爸是艾柯人,
但艾柯人我記得長得像....猩猩跟大象的合體啊= =
不過設定上阿莎麗人可以跟任何人種交合,
所以在遺傳中,父輩基因也作用很小就是了
如果大家不知道艾柯人是長什麼,可以看看這張圖
https://vignette2.wikia.nocookie.net/masseffect/images/4/40/ElcorX2.png/revision/latest/scale-to-width-down/250?cb=20090715023041
scale down中文 在 3 Tips for How To Scale Facebook Ads and Improve ROI 的推薦與評價
Nearly all successful facebook ad campaigns come down to having a clearly thought out funnel. Optimize for Facebook ad campaign higher-funnel ... ... <看更多>