關於 placement中文 ，我們在網路上蒐集到這些相關的討論、資訊與評價

[優文分享] 給高中生與家長：APCS 如何準備與學習資源

網址： https://bit.ly/3sLMOl2

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雖然我是以教授成人程式設計為主的補習班老師。不過最近也有一些對程式設計很有興趣、或者是將來想以資訊系為目標的高中生來問我：該怎麼準備 APCS 考試？

先給大家「科普」一下何謂 APCS 考試。您可以把它想成「程式設計界的全民英檢」，就雖不中亦不遠矣了。APCS 全名是「Advanced Placement Computer Science」，中文翻譯為「大學程式設計先修檢測」。它是給高中申請大學入學時，用來證明自己程式設計能力的一種考試。

目前清、交、成大等頂尖大學資工相關科系，以及技專校院招生都有採計。若您能在 APCS 拿下八級分（滿分十級）以上的成績，在申請大學資訊相關科系時，還蠻有利的。

今天分享給大家的文章，裡面有提到如何準備 APCS 考試，並附上一些自學的資源。我看了以後覺得不錯，所以就分享給需要的朋友。

APCS 考試蠻需要實作跟經驗的累積的。它很難用「死背」就拿高分。就像你知道自由式的動作並沒有用，只要你沒下過水，光知道自由式的動作，還是會嗆水嗆得很嚴重。

程式設計、APCS 考試也是如此。它是一門「技能」，不是「知識」。凡是「技能」，除了要把相關知識「背」下來外，還得一遍又一遍地，做著重複又枯燥的練習，才能有朝一日，心領神會，把這門功課準備好。所以，我會推薦想要報考的朋友，最好從高一開始準備。平時就寫一些程式，戰時才能發揮功力、取得高分。

希望今天的分享大家會喜歡！祝福大家收穫多多喔！

PS: 本文歡迎轉發、按讚、留言鼓勵我一下！您的隻字片語，都是讓我繼續提供好物的動力喔！
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【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】

***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated，將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像：以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文（https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/）翻譯成英文，鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演，在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***

中文精簡版本：https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/

Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.

In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.

The possibility of realizing legislative majority

Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.

The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?

Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.

Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.

Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority

To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.

While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.

Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.

Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.

Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP

What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.

Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.

The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.

Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution

Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.

Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.

The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.

All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.

https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw

關於「廚房」的相關單字

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Q&A :
喜歡這一系列的圖文筆記嗎？
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🎁 上則貼文中獎名單：
♕ 李珈瑜
♕ Teresa Huang
(請私訊Ken，提供姓名+地址)

#圖文筆記 #英文筆記

#先看圖_不懂再看中文
⋆ refrigerator 冰箱
⋆ freezer 冷凍庫
⋆ electric mixer 電動攪拌器
⋆ cabinet 櫥櫃
⋆ paper tower holder 紙巾架
⋆ canister 有蓋的罐子
⋆ dishwasher 洗碗機
⋆ dishwasher detergent 洗碗機專用清潔劑
⋆ dishwashing liquid 洗碗精
⋆ dish rack 碗盤瀝水架
⋆ blender 蔬果調理機
⋆ toaster oven 小烤箱
⋆ oven 烤箱
⋆ stove 爐子
⋆ range hood 抽油煙機
⋆ microwave 微波爐
⋆ tea kettle 茶壺
⋆ toaster 烤麵包機
⋆ coffeemaker 咖啡機
⋆ garbage pail 垃圾桶
⋆ cutting board 切菜板
⋆ food processor 食物調理機
⋆ placement 餐墊
⋆ kitchen table 餐桌
⋆ kitchen chair 餐椅

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上回 Hugo 同大家講過點樣幫 JBL Bar 9.1 Soundbar 接駁 WiFi 同做軟件升級，而今集 Hugo 都會繼續同大家分享點樣幫 JBL Bar 9.1 做擺位及做小設定，以提升大家係睇戲、聽歌等方面既表現...

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我們一起達到15萬訂閱吧!:https://www.youtube.com/c/黑白熊翻譯?sub_confirmation=1

上期回顧:https://youtu.be/OWnc4uUDduI
(「Yassuo精華中文字幕」MOE瘋狂做效果?! 送頭流實況主?!)

►翻譯影片已獲Yassuo Moe專屬授權
►日後會每晚七點更新Yassuo Moe的中文影片,想看的話請訂閱喔

黑白熊翻譯專門為外國英雄聯盟lol的影片提供中文字幕
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鏈接:https://www.facebook.com/monokumatranslate/

Original video:https://youtu.be/a202Eo-0fnc
(Yassuo | EUW UNRANKED TO CHALLENGER | PLACEMENT RESULTS [Episode 1])
(His commentary is really helpful)

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最新影片~: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rIQIy2nv4Ug
「Yassuo/Moe中文字幕」 Moe雙排Carry美服最惡劣的實況主IWillDominate 我是在玩小號嗎?(中文字幕)"

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