關於 none vs no one ，我們在網路上蒐集到這些相關的討論、資訊與評價

❤️ QUÁN MÌ QUẢNG DUY NHẤT TRONG LÒNG CỦA 2 ĐỨA NHÀ KHOAI - THE ONLY MI QUANG IN OUR HEART 😗
Trên hình là ông anh @diningwithkyle và 2 tô mì quảng vịt trong chợ Cồn :> Hàng mì quảng duy nhất mà C vs J ăn thấy ngon! Năm ngoái khi ông anh vào ĐN chơi có đi ăn thử mì quảng Bà Vị nhưng mà ko thấy ngon, thành ra năm nay bảo C dắt đi bằng đc 😌
2 đứa cũng ăn kha khá nơi rồi, nhưng mà ko đâu hợp trừ hàng mì quảng vịt này trong chợ Cồn. Nước dùng ở đây đậm đà, thơm lừng và ngọt thịt chứ ko bị lợ đường. Vịt nấu mềm, thấm vị, ko hề bị dai tí nào 🤤 Tô thập cẩm có thêm cả tiết (cực ngon mà có 1 miếng thôi hiu hiu), trứng cút vs thịt bò chỉ 25k 😚 Nhưng mà bọn mình recommend gọi hẳn tô mì vịt luôn vì thịt vịt ngon lắm, vs bảo cô chủ cho thêm tiết nhé.
Ông Ky-lé lúc ngồi vào ăn còn sĩ diện, "em ăn 1 bát, bọn anh chung nhau 1 bát thôi, ăn ko hết đâu" 🙂 Xong sau đó 2 ông chén sạch bát vẫn còn thèm, chửi C ăn ko hết bỏ lại mà ko đưa cho anh ăn 🙂 Bảo ngon rồi mà ko tin cơ 🙄 Giờ về HN rồi thì còn lâu mới đc ăn lại nhé lêu lêu hjhj
🔴 Mì Quảng Vịt - Chợ Cồn
📍290 Hùng Vương (chợ chiều 4-6h - afternoon from 4-6PM)
💲25-30k
---
This is my beloved brother @diningwithkyle and 2 bowls of mi quang with duck! The only mi quang that we laid our eyes on 😉 Last year, he visit Danang and tried mi quang Bà Vị but it wasn't good at, so this year, as his tour guide, I took him and his bf here 😌
We've tried quite some mi quang, but none of them could be compared to this one in Con Market 😆 The broth in here was flavourful, well-seasoned, sweet from bones and meat (not sugar - ew). The duck meat were really soft and still so juicy... 🤤 The mixed bowl has steamed duck blood (taste good but there was only 1 each bowl), quail egg and beef for 25k 😚 We recommend ordering only duck meat and the steamed duck blood, they are the best!
My friends were like "Yeah, we don't think we'll finish the whole bowl, so 1 for you (me), 1 for both of us (him and his bf)" 🙂 Then they ate the whole thing, even the broth. Kyle even got mad with cuz I left some veggie meanwhile he still wanted some more 🙄 Well that's the karma for not believing me, and now there is no such thing in Hanoi for you to eat 😝 @ Chợ Cồn - Đà Nẵng

【#TheDiplomat: 沈旭暉隨緣家書英文版🇭🇰】很久沒有向國際關係評論網 The Diplomat 供稿，但國際線十分重要，不應放棄。這次他們希望分享23條、國安法、反恐法風雨欲來的「新香港」前瞻，願國際社會能多了解快將出現的危機：

While the world is preoccupied with a fight against the COVID-19 pandemic, Beijing has been tightening its political grip on all aspects of Hong Kong’s civil society. Rumor has it that Beijing will push through legislating national security laws under Article 23 of Hong Kong’s Basic Law by unconventional means, such as massively disqualifying pro-democratic legislators or even directly applying a national law, widely argued as a major step to destroy the rights and freedom of Hong Kongers, and bring Chinese authoritarianism to Hong Kong.

After the 2019 protests, the administration of Carrie Lam, who theoretically is still leading the special administrative region of China, has little political capital at stake, with its legitimacy reaching rock bottom. The pro-government camp has dwindling prospects for the city’s upcoming Legislative Council election. The government‘s ”nothing to lose“ mentality is apparent from its recent blatant reinterpretation of the Basic Law’s Article 22 (another article that limits the influence of China’s offices in Hong Kong’s internal affairs). The debate is nothing new, but the pressure this time is quite different.

This article highlights the different strategies Beijing could adopt to enact Article 23 insidiously or under disguise to avoid backlash from the international community, while continuing to reap benefits from the city’s globally recognized special status. This seems to be part of Beijing’s brinkmanship to bring Hong Kong protesters and their supporters to their knees and move the city closer to authoritarianism. To counter these moves, Hong Kongers must define the boundaries beyond which Hong Kong falls into authoritarian rule and make a case as to why the city’s downfall is detrimental to the international community‘s interest.

The Long-Term Controversy Over National Security Laws

Back in 2003, the implementation of Article 23 was thwarted by the moderate pro-establishment politician James Tien. In face of overwhelming public disapproval of the law, he withdrew support and votes from his Liberal Party. However, 17 years later, it is hard to imagine Beijing following the old legislative playbook: start with a public consultation, followed by public discourse and political debate, and end with the majority rule. This playbook only works in peaceful societies ruled by a trustworthy government with integrity.

The aftermath of 2003, as well as the 2019 protests, should have taught Beijing and the Hong Kong government a lesson: pushing through national security legislation in a flawed parliament controlled by the minority pro-government camp would inevitably set off another full city-scale protest — and undoubtedly more fierce and focused this time. Given the current government’s numerous displays of dishonesty, it is conceivable that they will embark on a less-traveled path to implement Article 23.

Strategy One: “Anti-Terrorism”

In principle, one possible strategy could be to directly enact Chinese national law across Hong Kong, which can be achieved by declaring a state of emergency in the city. However, this is risky business as it would tarnish the integrity of “one country two systems” and subsequently Hong Kong’s international standing. Beijing, a risk-averse regime, is also unwilling to see Hong Kong’s status as a middleman for laundering money disappear into thin air.

Instead, Beijing could be concocting a narrative that would see Chinese national law applied to Hong Kong while not damaging Hong Kong’s international standing and Beijing’s own interests. The key word in this script is “anti-terrorism.” As early as 2014, pro-Beijing scholars have been claiming the emergence of “local terrorist ideology” on Hong Kong soil. Since the anti-extradition bill protests last year, government rhetoric frequently described the protests, which caused no deaths at all in the entire year, with phrases like “inclination to terrorist ideology.” That was a signal to the world that Hong Kong’s internal conflicts had ballooned into a national security issue. This gives the government the legitimacy to justify the implementation of Chinese national laws across the highly autonomous region to counter terrorism. The Chinese government knows that if it can persuade the world that terrorism exists in Hong Kong, and that it is as severe as the terror threat facing many other nations today, the international community will be less critical of Beijing’s actions in Hong Kong. Enacting Chinese laws directly is a convenient path that will save Beijing from having to tackle Hong Kong’s internal conflicts, basically turning the Hong Kong issue into a nonissue.

Strategy Two: Stacking the Legislature by Disqualifying Candidates

An even bolder strategy was probably foretold by a recent incident where the Hong Kong government and Beijing’s agencies for Hong Kong affairs (HKMAO and the Liaison Office) jointly criticized lawmaker Dennis Kwok for filibustering, framing it as “misconduct in public office” and “violating his oath.” It is incomprehensible to claim that filibustering goes against a lawmaker’s main duty; rather, it is common understanding that legislative work includes debating the law and representing public opinion against unreasonable laws. In a parliament controlled by the minority, pro-democratic members representing the majority of Hong Kongers are forced to express their objections using means like filibustering. Wouldn’t a lack of different political opinions turn the legislative branch into a rubber-stamp institution?

The above allegation has set a dangerous precedent for twisting the logic behind a certain provision in the Basic Law to target opposing lawmakers. In other words, to fulfill Beijing’s interpretation of the principal requirement for holding public office in Hong Kong, one could be required to take a meticulously legalistic approach to uphold the Basic Law down to its every single wording. A public official, by this new definition, not only needs to support “one country, two systems” or object Hong Kong independence, but also must abide by every single provision in the Basic Law. Worst of all, based on the previous cases, whether an official’s words or actions oversteps a provision is up to Beijing’s interpretation of his/her “intent.”

If this approach is applied, in the next election, there might be additional official questions for screening candidates like the following: “The Basic Law states that the enactment of Article 23 is a constitutional duty. Failing to support Article 23 legislation violates the Basic Law. Do you support it?” This question would suffice to disqualify even moderate or even pro-establishment candidates like James Tien. Even if any pro-democratic candidates were elected, once Article 23 re-enters the legislative process, they could risk ouster by raising objections.

Despite the absurdity of this tactic, the Chinese regime may just be tempted enough if such a strategy could resolve two of China’s current nuisances — voices of dissent in the Legislative Council and the previous failure to implement Article 23.

Strategy Three: The “Boiling Frog Effect”

Article 23 is not yet implemented, but the dystopian world that the protesters pictured in 2003 is already becoming reality. Regular citizens have been persecuted for “sedition” for sharing their views on social media or participating in legal protests; workers face retaliation for taking part in strikes; corporations are pressured to publicly side with the government’s stance; employees who have the “wrong” political views are fired; schools have been closely monitored for teaching material; protest-supporting fundraisers were framed for money laundering; a retweet or like may lead to persecution, under a colonial-era law. Only now have Hong Kongers woken up to their new reality — although the Basic Law technically protects citizens’ rights to speak, rally, march, demonstrate, and go on strike, the government could enfeeble civil rights by bending antiquated laws and legal provisions. The frequent abuse of law enforcement power on a small scale, such as improper arrests and police violence, is desensitizing the public and the international community. In a few years, Hong Kong will become unrecognizable. This is indeed a clever play on Beijing’s part to slowly strip away Hong Kong’s autonomy and freedom, without causing much international attention.

Counter-Strategies Against Beijing’s Brinkmanship

Beijing’s overarching goal is to hollow out Hong Kong but, at the same time, avoid major backlash from the international community, which could spell the end of the privileged global status of Hong Kong not granted to other Chinese cities. Beijing also aims at preventing single incidents that could cascade down into mass protests as seen in 2003, 2014, and 2019; and eliminating any resistance forces from within Hong Kong’s legislature. The tactics outlined above are typical in a game of brinkmanship.

In response, Hong Kongers in Hong Kong and on the so-called “international frontline” must know their strengths and bargaining chips on this negotiating table with Beijing.

Unlike Xinjiang and Tibet, Hong Kong is a city with transparency and free flow of information. Hong Kongers need to make a case to the world that the protests are not acts of terrorism. Some suggestions include comparing the Hong Kong protests to similar struggles in 20 or so other counties in the world at the present time, none of which were classified as terrorism; collecting a large amount of concrete evidence of the disproportionate use of force by the Hong Kong police; and showing how enacting Chinese national laws in Hong Kong will end the city’s autonomy and spell disaster for international community‘s interests.

The Legislative Council is the institution that can counteract Beijing’s “boiling frog” strategy and to keep Hong Kongers’ hope alive in the system. Those who plan to run for legislative office must be prepared to be disqualified from running. If only individuals are banned, there need to be alternative candidates as back-up plans. However, if and when the disqualification process is applied broadly to entire camps of candidates (for example, all who object to Article 23), the pro-democracy camp must make a strong case to the Hong Kong and global public that this is the endgame for Hong Kong democracy. Then the incumbent popularly elected legislators will hold the internationally recognized mandate from the public and serve as the last resistance.

These recommendations delineates how the slogan “if we burn, you burn with us,” often seen in the protests, may play out in the game of international relations. If the national security laws are “passed” by a legislature that is jury-rigged in this manner, or if related national laws are directly implemented in Hong Kong, Hong Kongers should signal clearly to the world that it goes way beyond the promised “one country, two systems.” Crossing this red line by Beijing should be seen by the world as a blunt violation of its promised autonomy to Hong Kongers. At that time, if the international community led by the United States and the United Kingdom decided to revoke the “non-sovereignty entity” status of Hong Kong and regard the SAR as an ordinary Chinese city, it shouldn’t come as a surprise.

Dr. Simon Shen is the Founding Chairman of GLOs (Glocal Learning Offices), an international relations start-up company. He also serves as an adjunct associate professor in the University of Hong Kong, Chinese University of Hong Kong and the Hong Kong University of Science and Technology, and associate director of the Master of Global Political Economy Programme of the CUHK. The author acknowledges Jean Lin, Coco Ho, Chris Wong, Michelle King, and Alex Yap for their assistance in this piece.

▶️ 高度自治 vs 全面管治
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pwt8wZl8jHQ

It seemed like a highly unlikely game for Allen Iverson to sink his first career game-winning buzzer-beater.

Iverson shook off an awful performance to make a 14-footer at the overtime horn and give the Philadelphia 76ers a thrilling 106-104 victory over the depleted Indiana Pacers.

"It's just a great feeling to hit a shot with no more time left on the clock and they can't do nothing about it," Iverson said. "It's something that never happened for me. I've had the winning free throws, but it's not the same thing as hitting the game-winning shot. I might have hit shots that put us ahead, but just that one right there is a feeling that I can't even express."

Second in the NBA in scoring at 28.2 points per game, Iverson had one of the worst outings of his career, making 5-of-23 shots and committing seven turnovers. Iverson could not find the range, was sloppy while running the offense and was on the bench when Philadelphia climbed back into the game in the second half.

But the Sixers forced overtime on the seventh 3-pointer by Kyle Korver, a 28-footer with 3.7 seconds in regulation. Korver scored a career-high 23 points.

"That wasn't the play we drew up in the huddle," Korver said. "Our initial play was to pass into Marc Jackson, run a couple of player screens. That obviously didn't happen, so we pitched it back and forth. I knew we needed a three so I went back as far as I needed to go to get it off. I shot it and it went in."

"That play was a mistake by our coaching staff," Pacers coach Rick Carlisle said. "We gave our guys a coverage that wasn't the right coverage and it cost us. If we hadn't, Korver wouldn't have gotten that wide open look."

In the extra session, Iverson finally found a rhythm with a runner that tied it at 104-104 with 1:19 to play. On Philadelphia's next possession, Iverson missed a jumper to fall to 4-of-22. But Indiana's James Jones also missed a jumper, setting the stage for Iverson's heroics.

From right of the top of the circle, Iverson dribbled down Eddie Gill into the lane, stopped short and leaned into a jumper that rattled in as the buzzer sounded, giving the 76ers their second straight win in overtime.

"I didn't have any doubt that I was going to take the last shot if I was played man-to-man," Iverson said. "I honestly feel like my teammate expected me to, but they had their hands ready if guys came off of them."

Iverson entered the NBA in 1996 and has collected five All-Star berths, three scoring titles and an MVP award. But he had never made a pure game-winning shot, although he had one to beat Germany in an exhibition game last summer.

"Allen had a tough shooting night," Sixers coach Jim O'Brien said. "He had some good looks at the basket. His shots didn't fall until that last one, but who cares about the other 18."

"I've found out in my career that if I do keep playing regardless of struggling, something positive will happen," Iverson said.

Marc Jackson had 21 points and 10 rebounds for the Sixers, who erased an eight-point deficit in the final two minutes of the fourth quarter. On Wednesday, they rallied from six points down with 70 seconds left to defeat New Jersey in overtime.

In this one, the Sixers outlasted the Pacers, who used their size advantage and 3-point shooting to build a 17-point lead in the third quarter but simply ran out of bodies. Dressing just eight players, Indiana lost Jermaine O'Neal (career-high 39 points), Jamaal Tinsley (10 assists) and reserve center David Harrison to fouls in overtime.

"The difference in the game was the ref calling a foul on me when I got elbowed in the face," O'Neal said. "Also the foul on Jamaal when Iverson jumps into him. It upsets me that the game can be taken away from us."

Ron Artest scored 29 points in his return from a two-game benching and Stephen Jackson added 17 points for the Pacers, who have lost two in a row after opening the season with four wins. Indiana made 11 3-pointers but none in the final 12 minutes.

The Sixers could not have won without the hot-shooting Korver, who scored 11 points in the fourth quarter. His jumper made it 98-92 with 1:49 left, and Iverson added two free throws with 58 seconds to go.

Josh Davis made a free throw and Marc Jackson sank two, making it 98-97 with 16 seconds to go. The Sixers fouled Austin Croshere, who made both foul shots, setting the stage for Korver.

For the sixth time in as many games, the Sixers fell behind by double digits. The deficit grew to 76-59 late in the third period when Iverson missed a shot, threw away a pass and committed an offensive foul on consecutive possessions before taking a seat.

"We're not playing every quarter. We could easily be 0-and-6," he said. "Hopefully the light switch turns on and we start to get it."

A night after the Philadelphia 76ers had a disheartening loss, Allen Iverson made sure it wouldn't happen again by playing one of the best games of his stellar career.

Iverson scored a season-high 54 points, including his 15,000th career point, and the Sixers won for the fourth time in five games, earning a 116-97 victory over the Milwaukee Bucks on Saturday night.

"I called his play as many times as I possibly could, and it makes my job a lot easier," Philadelphia coach Jim O'Brien said.

It was the seventh time in Iverson's nine-year career that he had scored at least 50 points in a regular-season game, and he has done it three times in the playoffs.

His career-high is 58 points against Houston in an overtime game on Jan. 15, 2002, and the 54 points tied his second-highest scoring total in a regular-season game.

The Bucks tried several different defenders against the five-time All-Star, but none could slow him. He made 17 of 29 shots and 16 of 21 free throws, grabbing eight rebounds before exiting with 2:34 left and the Sixers leading 106-87.

Iverson said he did not mind sitting out the final minutes of a blowout victory instead of attempting to set a career high.

"Honestly, and I can't be any truer than this, all I wanted was for the Milwaukee Bucks to be down one point once there were all zeroes on the board," he said.

The Sixers blew a 19-point, fourth-quarter lead in an overtime loss to New York on Friday night. They opened an 18-point, third-quarter lead against Milwaukee, but watched as the Bucks pulled within 64-63 on Michael Redd's 3-pointer with 4:44 left in the quarter.

Philadelphia, though, went on a 9-0 run to open a 10-point lead and the Bucks came no closer than seven points the rest of the game, and no closer than nine in the fourth quarter.

"We're starting to get some things, and four out of five (games won) is a good indicator," O'Brien said.

Milwaukee, decimated by injuries, has gone 3-14 since starting the season 3-1.

"The biggest thing for us was we struggled offensively and we are just really limited as to what we can run because of all the new guys," Milwaukee coach Terry Porter said.

Redd scored 29 points for the Bucks, who have four players on the injured list and also are playing without the injured Keith Van Horn. Milwaukee missed 58 of 88 shots, shooting a season-low 34 percent.

Andre Iguodala scored 18 points and Corliss Williamson added 15 for Philadelphia.

Iverson is the seventh active player and 93rd in NBA history to score 15,000 points. He scored 33 first-half points, making 12 of 17 shots and six of seven free throws.

His 17-foot jump shot with 6:19 left in the second quarte

Allen Iverson fought through jet lag, car sickness and pregame butterflies that felt more like birds before he finally got to play his first game for the Denver Nuggets.

When his debut with the depleted Nuggets was over Friday night, the feeling was familiar for the former 76er. Another crowd-pleasing performance, 22 points and 10 assists over 39 minutes, wasn't enough to prevent a loss -- 101-96 to the Sacramento Kings.

"I'm glad it's over," Iverson said. "That's the only thing I thought about, just getting the first one by me. I wish it could've ended with a win. I felt it could've ended with a win."

As it turned out, it was another former Philadelphia player, fifth-year guard John Salmons, who was the game's most valuable player. He finished with his first career triple-double -- 21 points, 11 rebounds and 10 assists -- to lift the Kings to a satisfying win.

Rough weather in Denver put them in a travel bind, and they arrived at the Pepsi Center only 90 minutes before tipoff, or about the same time Iverson finally made it.

"We will never have a worse travel day than today," Kings coach Eric Musselman said. "Our energy and effort was phenomenal."

The Kings might go down as a trivia answer if Iverson's arrival in the blockbuster trade that sent Andre Miller and Joe Smith to Philadelphia takes the Nuggets where they hope it will.

In his debut, playing on a team with only eight healthy players, the newest Nugget gave the kind of gritty, gutty performance that has become his trademark.

He played 39 minutes after a whirlwind of a day in which he arrived in Denver in the late afternoon, was whisked to the Pepsi Center, passed his physical, took a few jumpers on the practice court then suited up to be on the floor for tipoff.

He spent the first 8:35 on the bench. When he finally came in, he received a standing ovation, and never left the floor.

This was widely considered the biggest trade in Denver sports history since the Broncos brought John Elway to town nearly 25 years ago. It's a trade many think could put the Nuggets -- who have long played second fiddle in this city -- into championship mode.

"They embraced me here," Iverson said of the welcome he received. "It was just a great feeling and it was a feeling I wanted to get. A feeling I hoped to get. It was special to me, something I'll remember and cherish the rest of my life."

During a stretch late in the third quarter, Iverson was at his tiptoeing, no-look-passing best, giving a preview of the difference he can make to this team.

He made a pair of 3-pointers, created an open 15-footer for himself and also had a sweet pass to Linas Kleiza as part of a big run that gave the Nuggets their first lead since early in the first quarter.

The highlight was a tiptoe down the baseline, followed by a no-look pass to Reggie Evans through traffic in the key for an easy bucket.

The game was tied at 87 with 3½ minutes left when the Kings started pulling away with six straight points on a pair of baskets by Salmons and a layup by Shareef Abdur-Rahim.

Iverson would have had 20 assists were it not for the struggles of his new teammates, many of them unused to the minutes they played and none of them accustomed to receiving the kind of passes Iverson throws.

"I was just playing basketball, taking what the defense gave me," Iverson said of the Kings, who played a lot of zone trying to stop Iverson. "When they crowded me, and I saw guys open, I made the right plays."

Iverson finished 9-for-15 and this was one of those rare games in which he may not have shot the ball enough.

Earl Boykins scored 25 points on an 8-for-23 night in which the Nuggets shot 37 percent as a team.

"It was a tough game," Nuggets coach George Karl said. "We really wanted to win it for AI and the team. The courage was good, the commitment was good. It was the little basketball frustrations that slowly built to a level that was difficult to overcome."

Certainly, things will change when Carmelo Anthony returns 13 games from now after serving out his suspension for his fight with the Knicks.

But as it currently stands, the Nuggets need everything from Iverson. They are also missing J.R. Smith -- also on suspension -- and learned that center Marcus Camby could be out a while because of a finger injury he suffered earlier this week.