關於 how it works英文版 ，我們在網路上蒐集到這些相關的討論、資訊與評價

「John, 我女兒Tiffany現在大一，能不能暑假到你們公司實習？她現在因為疫情的關係無法回去美國讀書」

「沒有問題啊，我們公司剛好缺國際業務，我就把她安排在業務團隊讓她試看看先做一些簡單的翻釋工作，只是一開始都是我們在花時間教育她，她不會成為即戰力，所以薪水只會是法令最低薪資可以嗎？」其實我一向不太收短期實習生，因為要花主管的時間訓練，而主管的時間也是公司寶貴的資源，而好不容易訓練起來了，他們還沒來得及為公司帶來貢獻，卻又離開了。

但是看在她是Savi跟Anna的學姐的份上，以及她媽媽平常真的是很熱於助人的家長會長，我也欣然答應， 只是沒有料到自己當初出於好心的善念，竟然會在接下來的一個月對公司出現了很大的影響力。

第一個禮拜，我怕Tiffany無聊，交給她功課，叫她去上網研究一下現在新的保養品牌的趨勢。

我沒有想到，一個禮拜後，她竟然會交出一份讓人眼晴為之一亮的報告。 簡報的內容，從排版，字體的一致性，以及堅持簡約的賈伯斯風格，重點是她不只分析出新型態的保養品牌趨勢，連他們各自的成功之道都分析的很透徹。從頭到尾沒有冷場。

我們聽完簡報之後，我在我們的主管群組傳了訊息：「我們真的是老恐龍了，今天Tiffany這份簡報非常的有價值，我們公司需要的就是這種新血，讓我們可以注入新思維」

我好奇的問了Tiffany: 「你這份簡報準備了多久啊？」

「三天」她害羞的說

「做得很棒耶，你的簡報能力跟搜尋能力是你在大學USC學的，還是在高中學的？」

「KAS prepares you well for the college， 因為我們在高中要常做報告，所以反而到了美國的大學就相對輕鬆」她這樣回答

「好，那我這星期派難一點的功課給你，你今天所報告的這些新創品牌以及明星自創品牌，你負責寫開發信給他們看看，讓他們知道台灣有一個佐研院可以為他們代工做出真正安全並且有效的保養品」

我們每星期三都會專門為代工業務開一整天的會議，討論我們如何能更進步的服務代工客戶，如何更有效的開發新客戶。

過了六天，我請Tiffany寄給我看她寫的開發信內容以及她的開發成績，我看了之後，眼晴為之一亮（again), 做了一些紀錄，決定明天跟同仁們分享一些好東西。

隔天的代工會議，當大家報告完進度後，我決定把Tiffany的開發信的內容截圖播放出來跟大家分享（沒有經過Tiffany的同意）

「你們看Tiffany寫的信內容，她是對每個客戶都做了足夠的研究，讓對方一看就知道這不是公版的信件，是有用心研究過他們的品牌核心理念，然後再把對方對品質的堅持跟我們佐研院的核心對接，讓對方知道我們會是最適合他們的夥伴。所以對方這麼有影響力的創辦人就真的回她信了」

我不吝嗇的在大家面前誇奬她，因為她才十九歲，又是實習生，其他同事不會把她當作是眼中釘。 重點是我想把好的，新的，更有效率的做事方式導入到我們的系統。

只有靠這樣的新血來給大家震憾教育，才是最快的企業文化進化。

隔週，我們的其他同仁也開始採取像Tiffany這樣先用心研究對方品牌的方式再引導對方來跟我們的殿堂合作，果然真的有效，開發信的命中率竟然提高了到了60%， 這可是很誇張的進步， 你們要知道，以前我們寄公版的開發信給300個客戶，有時連一封信都得不到回覆。

而Tiffany的進步跟影響並沒有就此停止，我又交給她新的功課，這次是幫公司寫企業介紹的英文版來申請Re100+（是一個世界級的能源永續組織）。

我只導覽帶她跟我走一次佐研院，讓她知道我們的企業跟其他企業的與眾不同之處，以及我們想要帶給台灣以及國際的影響。沒想到她又再一次寫出了一份令我驚艷的報告，直直打中我的心坎裡。

以下是我翻譯她寫的英文原文，身為創辦人的我都不確定自己的中文能否把她的好文章翻譯夠到位，但我努力看看。

JOLA INTERNATIONAL CO., LTD. is a Taiwan based company established in 2012 that focuses on manufacturing and selling skincare products. It is founded and led by CEO John Lee, who graduated from Ohio University with a Ph. D. in Chemical Engineering. Under his leadership, the company has grown to staff 120 employees in Taiwan and France.

佐見啦生技有限公司是2012年在台灣成立的公司，專注在製造跟銷售保養品。創辦人是李昆霖化工博士，畢業於俄亥俄大學。 在他的領導之下，這間公司已經成長到在台灣跟法國有120位員工。

JOLA INTERNATIONAL currently owns two brand: Timeless Truth Mask (TTM) and Jolab.

Timeless Truth Mask is a brand created out of love for skincare and
ambition to change conventional views of facial sheet masks. Starting off as an e-commerce mask brand in 2012, they soon decided to take upon a challenge and launch their products in one of the top countries for cosmetics — France. Their main goal is to debunk the belief that facial sheet masks are cheap and cannot be of the utmost quality. By doing so, TTM strives to change the overall attitude of consumers towards sheet

佐見啦生技現在擁有二個品牌：提提研（TTM)以及佐研院（Jolab).

提提研是被創生於對保養品的熱愛以及想要改變傳統對面膜觀點的野心。2012年從電商品牌出發，他們很快就決定要挑戰上架保養品最頂級的國家-法國。他們的主要目標是瓦解面膜是廉價產品並且無法達到高品質的傳統思維，所以提提研致力於改變消費者的整體對面膜的看法。

masks. Their journey to success relies heavily on the belief in improvement. Their core brand values can be defined in 3H’s — Humanity, Humbleness, and Humor. Their belief in building meaningful relationships with their consumers, never being complacent with their accomplishments, and learning to have fun in the meantime, is what led to TTM’s growing loyal fanbase and accreditation from globally recognized beauty organizations. In just 8 years, their face masks have been nominated 21 times by beauty awards in Europe, and further winning 15 awards — with their Anti-Aging Bio-Cellulose Mask being the
Gold Award Winner. Such accomplishments are only achievable because of their dedication and determination to always better themselves.

提提研的成功旅程有很大部份依賴於他們對於不斷進步的信念。他們的品牌核心價值可以被3個H所定義-Humanity(人性），Humbleness(謙遜），以及(Humor)幽默. 他們相信跟消費者建立起有意義的情感連結，永遠對自己的成就感到不滿足，並且學習活在當下，享受過程。這一切是提提研之所以會有不斷成長的忠誠粉絲並且獲得國際美妝組織的認證。在過去八年，他們的面膜在歐洲的美妝大獎入圍21次，並且贏得十五次-而且他們的抗老生物纖維面膜獲得了最佳抗老的金奬。只有靠著不斷進步的堅持跟奉獻才能有辦法獲得這樣的成就。

Whether it’d be working with researchers to meticulously select the best materials and ingredients for their masks, or holding a higher standard to their products and undergoing efficacy tests, TTM strives to always improve the quality of their products in terms of increasing trust, comfort, and that “wow” factor. To truly understand more about skincare and ways they can continuously improve, JOLA INTERNATIONAL launched a new brand: Jolab.

無論是跟研發人員挑惕的選出最好的材質跟配方，又或是堅持升級讓產品通過功效性檢驗，提提研不斷的在升級他們產品的品質讓消費者體驗到安心感，舒適感，以及驚艷感（我們中文稱為三感共構的開發理念）。為了讓他們自己更了解更多關於保養品以及持續進步， 於是佐見啦生技推出了新品牌：佐研院

On a basic level, Jolab can be defined as a research and development laboratory specializing in high-quality skincare products. However, it is more than just a laboratory or manufacturing facility, it is a brand. JOLA INTERNATIONAL wants to redefine conventional notions of factories by incorporating elements of a brand: emphasis on aesthetics and attention to detail. By
merging manufacturing, research and development (R&D), efficacy center, and branding aesthetics, Jolab is a brand that also doubles as a laboratory.

在基本層面上，佐研院可以被定位為專注在高品質保養品的研發單位。但是，它並不只是實驗室或是生產基地，它是個品牌。 佐見啦生技想要把工廠加入品牌的原素：對美學的強調以及對細節的重視，來重新改寫對工廠的傳統觀念。 藉由融合研發，生產，功效性檢驗以及品牌美學，佐研院是一個品牌同時也是實驗室雙重身份。

Jolab is created out of the desire to explore, improve, and break boundaries. They envision themselves as the leading player in Taiwanese skincare development and have already made progress to reach their goal. Jolab established Taiwan’s first Efficacy Test Center that also satisfies European safety assessments — a testament to Jolab’s promises to safety and effectiveness. As part of their determination to improve, Jolab upholds high standards against its products and its manufacturing process. Jolab works internationally on research projects with a renowned Swiss laboratory to develop exclusive ingredients. Jolab has over 30 available PIF (Product Information File) formulations available, which are a qualification for launching in theEuropean skincare market. Furthermore, all of the water used in the products are purified to the standard which qualifies for pharmaceutical manufacturing through the PIC/S standard water purification system. Through such dedication, Jolab aims to do more than just fulfill European PIF standards, further proving their determination to achieve standards above the top standards.

佐研院是為了探索，進化以及打破疆界而被創生的。 他們視自己為台灣探索保養品牌的先驅並且已經達到了許多成就。佐研院建立了台灣第一座功效室檢驗中心並且通過了歐盟的安全性測試- 來保證產品不只是安全，而且一定要有效。佐研院的高標準生產製程，以及在國際上跟瑞士知名實驗室開發出專利配方，都是他們對於不斷進步的堅持與承諾。 佐研院目前有超過三十多項產品的是通過歐盟標準PIF配方，並且全部用於製造的水都是通過藥廠等級的PIC/S淨水系統. 透過這樣的投入與奉獻，佐研院不只是達到了歐盟的PIF標準,而且還更升級達到了超越了最高標準的水平。（註1）

Through TTM and Jolab, JOLA INTERNATIONAL’s determination to constantly find ways for improvement ultimately creates impact both locally and globally. In Taiwan, TTM and Jolab are brands that stand out. Unlike traditional cosmetic brands in Taiwan, TTM started off as an e-commerce brand and aimed to market in France first. Moreover, TTM went through the hardship of acquiring PIF qualifications, despite it not being a requirement for Taiwanese cosmetic products. By creating products that fulfill more than just the bare minimum, TTM can overall increase the product quality in Taiwan by initiating a positive form of competition that benefits both companies and consumers. Moreover, by exposing Taiwanese cosmetic brands to the knowledge of international product requirements that are relatively more rigorous, it can speed up the pace of improvement. Similarly, Jolab not only improves individually but also helps to improve the entire cosmetic OEM industry by bringing and utilizing new, cutting-edge technologies that other manufacturing companies can learn from. At the same time, such improvements can change how companies and brands from abroad perceive Taiwanese companies as a whole. It may show international companies that Taiwanese companies are starting to shift from traditional business strategies and beginning to improve their product quality. More importantly, it could improve the overall national reputation of Taiwan.

透過提提研跟佐研院，佐見啦生技對於進步的執念在國際上以及地方上產生了影響。在台灣，提提研跟佐研院是突出的品牌。 不同於一般的傳統品牌，從電商開始的提提研直接攻打最難的法國市場。既便台灣法規並沒有要求歐盟的PIF規範，但提提研還是致力於達到了最難的標準。透過製造超過標準的產品，提提研提升了台灣整體保養品業界的產品品質。同時讓台灣的保養品牌同業們接觸更嚴謹的國際標準規範的知識，可以加速進步的改革。 同樣的，佐研院不只是達到了個體的進步，也藉由引進最新的技術，讓其他的代工廠可以學習，而幫助了整體代工業界的進步

如此一來，這樣的思維整體進步可以改變海外的公司跟國際品牌如何看待台灣公司。 這可以讓國際公司知道台灣的公司已經開始改變傳統便宜行事的思維以及開始提升品質。這可以提升整體的台灣國際名望。

JOLA INTERNATIONAL’s strive for improvement and impact does not end there. It has future plans to further better themselves, especially in the area of sustainability. Beginning with using biodegradable materials, JOLA INTERNATIONAL has and will continuously make more environmentally friendly decisions. JOLA INTERNATIONAL hopes to make greater progress and commitment toward sustainability and clean power.

佐見啦生技的進步跟影響並沒有就此停止，它還有更長遠的進步計劃，尤其是在永續這一塊。佐見啦生技將會持續做出對環境責任的決䇿，希望可以投入更多承諾在永續跟潔淨能源

＝＝＝＝＝＝
以上是Tiffany所寫的英文文章，你們可以想像這是一個十九歲小女孩所寫出的英文文章嗎？連我這個創辦人都無法寫得比她更好，更何況她才只加入我們公司才二個禮拜。

於是我興奮的把這封信寄給了我們在美國的好朋友們，他們都是在他們各自業界的大人物，一個是物流業，一個是廣告業，我問他們看了文章後感想如何？他們都說寫得非常好，文筆流暢，觀點清楚。

於是我立刻打電話給Tiffany的媽媽，說能不能讓她休學，我好久沒有看到這麼優秀的人才了，我想要好好培養她，把她帶在身邊，跟著我一起跟美國知名廣告商開會，跟著我一起跟美方討論合資子公司，不只是因為我需要一個英文文筆很好的小助理，而是我覺得她可以為公司的思維帶來正面的影響。

我對父母提案是： 我會讓她直接可以跟美國廣告的最高執行長做報告，等到她可以回去加洲時，她就可以直接去那家知名的廣告公司上班，那可是加洲數一數二知名的廣告公司呢。

她媽媽聽到以後很開心， 但還是說要尊重她女兒的想法，畢竟那是她的人生，但她會引導她女兒說這是很難得的實習機會。

隔天，她媽媽很興奮的跟我說，她至少說服她女兒先休學半年在我們公司實習，然後還一直感謝我，說我是她女兒的貴人

「其實是因為她很優秀，就忍不住起了想要培養她的念頭」我這樣回她

==================

昨天，Savi問我：「爸爸我以後可以打工嗎？」

「為什麼要打工？」

「因為我想賺點錢」

於是我跟她講了Tiffany來我們公司實習的故事，並且也給他看Tiffany所寫的文章是多麼的優秀。然後我跟他說：「爸爸並不是反對你打工，但重點是你選的工作是你可以從中學習，讓你變更好的人，而不是只為了存錢而打工，那就只會是浪費時間而已」

我鼓勵他，暑假有時間的話，還不如努力提升自己的能力跟思維觀點（像是大量的閱讀），就可以有機會成為像Tiffany學姐那麼優秀的人才。

「到時你的光采會如此耀眼，要讓人忽視你都很難」

我這樣的鼓勵他

註1: 最高標準的歐盟的保養品法規並沒有要求製程一定要用製藥等級的淨水器，但我們就是想要做到更好，引進了藥廠等級的淨水系統，於是超越了最高等級的歐盟法規

p.s.2 Tiffany現在才進公司第四個禮拜，已經開始直接做簡報跟美國的合作夥伴concall對談，我刻意給她舞台，讓她可以跟廣告公司的最高執行長以及營運長對談，這對她以後的職業生涯會有很好的幫助
。

🎥《做心的主人》英文版
Be the master of your mind

人生在世，雖然有很多不如意、不順遂，但無論遭遇什麼樣的逆境，都要好好掌握、把持住自己的心，時時存有善意，處處保持正念，以篤實、堅定的意志去克服困難與障礙。
Our life may be filled with undesirable and unfavorable experiences, but no matter what adversities we encounter we should try to be the master of our mind, rein in our mind, constantly harbor good intentions, always maintain the right mindfulness, and use a strong will to overcome difficulties and obstacles.

所以首先要知道自己的心如何運作，常常在做什麼， 在什麼樣的狀態下活動，如此一來，就不會盲目、無聊或是莫名其妙地活動，也比較可以主宰自己的心了。
So first we should understand how our mind works, what it is doing, and its state. This way, we’ll be less confused, less likely to feel bored or act in a meaningless way, and more able to master our own mind.

正如禪宗的兩個主張：第一，要「做自己心的主人」，也就是心一定是掌握在自己的手上；第二，要「踩定腳跟」，腳跟不能不點地，一定要踩穩了腳跟，才能再向前邁出第二步。
There are two principles in the Chan Buddhist teaching: be the master of your mind, or have a control of your mind; and, put yourself on a firm footing, or keep your feet steady on the ground before taking the next step forward.

文／摘自聖嚴法師著作《獨立做自己》圖／林俐
Excerpts from Master Sheng Yen’s book, How To Be Independent
Translated by Chang, Cheng-yu
Edited by Chang Chia-cheng
Illustration by Lin Li

#做心的主人
#獨立做自己
#聖嚴法師
#法鼓山慈善基金會

【#TheDiplomat: 沈旭暉隨緣家書英文版🇭🇰】很久沒有向國際關係評論網 The Diplomat 供稿，但國際線十分重要，不應放棄。這次他們希望分享23條、國安法、反恐法風雨欲來的「新香港」前瞻，願國際社會能多了解快將出現的危機：

While the world is preoccupied with a fight against the COVID-19 pandemic, Beijing has been tightening its political grip on all aspects of Hong Kong’s civil society. Rumor has it that Beijing will push through legislating national security laws under Article 23 of Hong Kong’s Basic Law by unconventional means, such as massively disqualifying pro-democratic legislators or even directly applying a national law, widely argued as a major step to destroy the rights and freedom of Hong Kongers, and bring Chinese authoritarianism to Hong Kong.

After the 2019 protests, the administration of Carrie Lam, who theoretically is still leading the special administrative region of China, has little political capital at stake, with its legitimacy reaching rock bottom. The pro-government camp has dwindling prospects for the city’s upcoming Legislative Council election. The government‘s ”nothing to lose“ mentality is apparent from its recent blatant reinterpretation of the Basic Law’s Article 22 (another article that limits the influence of China’s offices in Hong Kong’s internal affairs). The debate is nothing new, but the pressure this time is quite different.

This article highlights the different strategies Beijing could adopt to enact Article 23 insidiously or under disguise to avoid backlash from the international community, while continuing to reap benefits from the city’s globally recognized special status. This seems to be part of Beijing’s brinkmanship to bring Hong Kong protesters and their supporters to their knees and move the city closer to authoritarianism. To counter these moves, Hong Kongers must define the boundaries beyond which Hong Kong falls into authoritarian rule and make a case as to why the city’s downfall is detrimental to the international community‘s interest.

The Long-Term Controversy Over National Security Laws

Back in 2003, the implementation of Article 23 was thwarted by the moderate pro-establishment politician James Tien. In face of overwhelming public disapproval of the law, he withdrew support and votes from his Liberal Party. However, 17 years later, it is hard to imagine Beijing following the old legislative playbook: start with a public consultation, followed by public discourse and political debate, and end with the majority rule. This playbook only works in peaceful societies ruled by a trustworthy government with integrity.

The aftermath of 2003, as well as the 2019 protests, should have taught Beijing and the Hong Kong government a lesson: pushing through national security legislation in a flawed parliament controlled by the minority pro-government camp would inevitably set off another full city-scale protest — and undoubtedly more fierce and focused this time. Given the current government’s numerous displays of dishonesty, it is conceivable that they will embark on a less-traveled path to implement Article 23.

Strategy One: “Anti-Terrorism”

In principle, one possible strategy could be to directly enact Chinese national law across Hong Kong, which can be achieved by declaring a state of emergency in the city. However, this is risky business as it would tarnish the integrity of “one country two systems” and subsequently Hong Kong’s international standing. Beijing, a risk-averse regime, is also unwilling to see Hong Kong’s status as a middleman for laundering money disappear into thin air.

Instead, Beijing could be concocting a narrative that would see Chinese national law applied to Hong Kong while not damaging Hong Kong’s international standing and Beijing’s own interests. The key word in this script is “anti-terrorism.” As early as 2014, pro-Beijing scholars have been claiming the emergence of “local terrorist ideology” on Hong Kong soil. Since the anti-extradition bill protests last year, government rhetoric frequently described the protests, which caused no deaths at all in the entire year, with phrases like “inclination to terrorist ideology.” That was a signal to the world that Hong Kong’s internal conflicts had ballooned into a national security issue. This gives the government the legitimacy to justify the implementation of Chinese national laws across the highly autonomous region to counter terrorism. The Chinese government knows that if it can persuade the world that terrorism exists in Hong Kong, and that it is as severe as the terror threat facing many other nations today, the international community will be less critical of Beijing’s actions in Hong Kong. Enacting Chinese laws directly is a convenient path that will save Beijing from having to tackle Hong Kong’s internal conflicts, basically turning the Hong Kong issue into a nonissue.

Strategy Two: Stacking the Legislature by Disqualifying Candidates

An even bolder strategy was probably foretold by a recent incident where the Hong Kong government and Beijing’s agencies for Hong Kong affairs (HKMAO and the Liaison Office) jointly criticized lawmaker Dennis Kwok for filibustering, framing it as “misconduct in public office” and “violating his oath.” It is incomprehensible to claim that filibustering goes against a lawmaker’s main duty; rather, it is common understanding that legislative work includes debating the law and representing public opinion against unreasonable laws. In a parliament controlled by the minority, pro-democratic members representing the majority of Hong Kongers are forced to express their objections using means like filibustering. Wouldn’t a lack of different political opinions turn the legislative branch into a rubber-stamp institution?

The above allegation has set a dangerous precedent for twisting the logic behind a certain provision in the Basic Law to target opposing lawmakers. In other words, to fulfill Beijing’s interpretation of the principal requirement for holding public office in Hong Kong, one could be required to take a meticulously legalistic approach to uphold the Basic Law down to its every single wording. A public official, by this new definition, not only needs to support “one country, two systems” or object Hong Kong independence, but also must abide by every single provision in the Basic Law. Worst of all, based on the previous cases, whether an official’s words or actions oversteps a provision is up to Beijing’s interpretation of his/her “intent.”

If this approach is applied, in the next election, there might be additional official questions for screening candidates like the following: “The Basic Law states that the enactment of Article 23 is a constitutional duty. Failing to support Article 23 legislation violates the Basic Law. Do you support it?” This question would suffice to disqualify even moderate or even pro-establishment candidates like James Tien. Even if any pro-democratic candidates were elected, once Article 23 re-enters the legislative process, they could risk ouster by raising objections.

Despite the absurdity of this tactic, the Chinese regime may just be tempted enough if such a strategy could resolve two of China’s current nuisances — voices of dissent in the Legislative Council and the previous failure to implement Article 23.

Strategy Three: The “Boiling Frog Effect”

Article 23 is not yet implemented, but the dystopian world that the protesters pictured in 2003 is already becoming reality. Regular citizens have been persecuted for “sedition” for sharing their views on social media or participating in legal protests; workers face retaliation for taking part in strikes; corporations are pressured to publicly side with the government’s stance; employees who have the “wrong” political views are fired; schools have been closely monitored for teaching material; protest-supporting fundraisers were framed for money laundering; a retweet or like may lead to persecution, under a colonial-era law. Only now have Hong Kongers woken up to their new reality — although the Basic Law technically protects citizens’ rights to speak, rally, march, demonstrate, and go on strike, the government could enfeeble civil rights by bending antiquated laws and legal provisions. The frequent abuse of law enforcement power on a small scale, such as improper arrests and police violence, is desensitizing the public and the international community. In a few years, Hong Kong will become unrecognizable. This is indeed a clever play on Beijing’s part to slowly strip away Hong Kong’s autonomy and freedom, without causing much international attention.

Counter-Strategies Against Beijing’s Brinkmanship

Beijing’s overarching goal is to hollow out Hong Kong but, at the same time, avoid major backlash from the international community, which could spell the end of the privileged global status of Hong Kong not granted to other Chinese cities. Beijing also aims at preventing single incidents that could cascade down into mass protests as seen in 2003, 2014, and 2019; and eliminating any resistance forces from within Hong Kong’s legislature. The tactics outlined above are typical in a game of brinkmanship.

In response, Hong Kongers in Hong Kong and on the so-called “international frontline” must know their strengths and bargaining chips on this negotiating table with Beijing.

Unlike Xinjiang and Tibet, Hong Kong is a city with transparency and free flow of information. Hong Kongers need to make a case to the world that the protests are not acts of terrorism. Some suggestions include comparing the Hong Kong protests to similar struggles in 20 or so other counties in the world at the present time, none of which were classified as terrorism; collecting a large amount of concrete evidence of the disproportionate use of force by the Hong Kong police; and showing how enacting Chinese national laws in Hong Kong will end the city’s autonomy and spell disaster for international community‘s interests.

The Legislative Council is the institution that can counteract Beijing’s “boiling frog” strategy and to keep Hong Kongers’ hope alive in the system. Those who plan to run for legislative office must be prepared to be disqualified from running. If only individuals are banned, there need to be alternative candidates as back-up plans. However, if and when the disqualification process is applied broadly to entire camps of candidates (for example, all who object to Article 23), the pro-democracy camp must make a strong case to the Hong Kong and global public that this is the endgame for Hong Kong democracy. Then the incumbent popularly elected legislators will hold the internationally recognized mandate from the public and serve as the last resistance.

These recommendations delineates how the slogan “if we burn, you burn with us,” often seen in the protests, may play out in the game of international relations. If the national security laws are “passed” by a legislature that is jury-rigged in this manner, or if related national laws are directly implemented in Hong Kong, Hong Kongers should signal clearly to the world that it goes way beyond the promised “one country, two systems.” Crossing this red line by Beijing should be seen by the world as a blunt violation of its promised autonomy to Hong Kongers. At that time, if the international community led by the United States and the United Kingdom decided to revoke the “non-sovereignty entity” status of Hong Kong and regard the SAR as an ordinary Chinese city, it shouldn’t come as a surprise.

Dr. Simon Shen is the Founding Chairman of GLOs (Glocal Learning Offices), an international relations start-up company. He also serves as an adjunct associate professor in the University of Hong Kong, Chinese University of Hong Kong and the Hong Kong University of Science and Technology, and associate director of the Master of Global Political Economy Programme of the CUHK. The author acknowledges Jean Lin, Coco Ho, Chris Wong, Michelle King, and Alex Yap for their assistance in this piece.

▶️ 高度自治 vs 全面管治
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pwt8wZl8jHQ