[Catch me if you can]今年嘅攻擊路線圖。當然subject to 買到飛,買到飛亦唔包唔會封戲院。買到又唔封,亦唔包我一定會出現。隨緣
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告個急先:Ivan已被炒,已成失業人士。未訂嘅記得訂Patreon,積小成多呀。訂咗嘅可以考慮加碼(https://bityl.co/4Y0h)。 一星期至少出返六篇文.月頭訂最抵!月費80
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1. 開個Excel都真係有必要的。免除好多問題,特別係睇得多戲,點樣避免撞時間,又點樣安排到唔好一日四場一日一場都冇。而家我砌得幾均勻的。又,好似好多都係華語片日本片。
2. 第一屆睇,應係2002年,第26屆。嗰時剛由英國回來,失業大半年。但好似只係象徵式睇一套,正係Tom Tykwer嘅《疾走天堂》(Heaven)。個名好熟?正係《疾走羅拉》嗰條友(「扯,抄劉以鬯嘅!」),之前仲有套《冬日戀曲》( Winter Sleepers).嗰幾年真係講到前途無可限量,奇斯洛夫斯基接班人咁(Heaven正係奇斯洛夫斯基未完成之作)。不過後來就冇乜佳作了
3. 去到真係會睇十幾廿套,就係29同30屆。特別係第30屆,很有意義。因為每次開頭都有林嘉欣(應該係)講「三十之喜,重頭好戲」同埋「Happy birthday」。至少有一句係佢講嘅!而第30屆開幕兩套戲,《黑社會之以和為貴》同《伊莎貝拉》,我都係有睇嘅。唔止一次講過,《黑社會之以和為貴》,當時曾蔭權都在坐,杜琪峰開場前介紹嗰時話叫佢用心睇的,嘻嘻。
4. 第30屆,2006年,亦係我由蕉行轉去耆英證券做嘢嗰年。當然記得,因為我仲要係揀埋電影後先返工,因為估之後都冇乜閒情睇戲,結果不幸言中。而當年2006年,耆英證券剛剛搬去太古廣場三期—留意,我見工嗰時仲在美國銀行中心的。所以當時真係全新寫字樓,太古廣場三期亦開咗冇耐,連而家地底行去金鐘站嗰條通道都未有。嗰時三四十蚊尺。而家?百幾蚊尺。故事在舊文有講(https://lkdin.io/3LES)
5. 唔好忘記,電影節基本上仲要係撞埋上市公司出業績嘅日子。我在耆英嘅年代,開頭都仲可以七八點寫完報告然後飛去睇尾場,後期已經唔得。主要係體力下降,去到都會訓著。同埋亦真係會有追魂call.當然我會較靜音,但都係唔好玩的。有年好似夜晚場,十一點幾,都仲有英國鬼打嚟。咁呀英國鬼當然十分唔好意思咁講「我知道你嗰邊好夜,但……」。又要明白下,雷曼爆煲前嘛,狂炒港股直通車嘅年代。秒秒都係錢。咁我當然要話返你知,鬼頭做嘢好公道,年尾我香港老細話升我職加我人工,要啲sales 支持(咁先可以同大老細講),鬼頭都立即和議。後來到我去倫敦後來見返鬼頭真身時,人地都十分熱情招待我的。有NoBu食添呀。
6. 打後好多年,都係咁上下。雷曼爆煲後當然冇咁好景,但我工時當然冇少過。然後年紀大機器壞就梗,最後只係剩返星期六日,或者復活節(以前一定連埋)嗰場次去睇。
7. 不過再後來我已經被投閒(話說回頭算係咁,投閒都仲畀我呃咗兩年飯食,有啲同事再早啲就炒咗),有一年直頭申請咗張 VIP Pass,橫行無忌,好開心的說。但你話計「回本」,當然回唔到本啦。只係嗰時錢多,時間少,咁買個趴時,咁啱嗰日到時得閒,鍾意睇邊套咪邊套。
8. 輾轉,去到2018年秋天,我在星展裸辭咗啦。然後2019年3月,又又正係電影節嗰時,我就入咗而家呢間公司(剛剛成為過去式,過去完成式),康宏(都唔怕開名,反正都冇人唔知)。所以2019年3月就過咗一個好嘅電影節。
9. 之後?就冇然後了.2020當然係取消咗。轉眼間去到2021年,我又剛剛畀人炒埋。原本應該好啱做返啲玩物喪志嘢,例如返去幾個月旅行(*),或者至少去個電影節。可惜,今年電影節規模都好似細咗。但冇關係,我揀嘅戲,都係咁多套,甚至多過以前—當然以前好多時都係揀夠廿套(有折!),但往往睇得七成,甚至有一年一半都冇。
10. 而今年嘛,到時會唔會冇得入場睇,都係一個問題。
11. 電影節於我而言,並唔係咩扮文青(以前要,而家唔使)。而係好似「盲盒」咁,有時會睇到啲唔知咩戲。例如我寫過嘅《陸軍與警察:二次開波》(舊文約略提過下)(https://bityl.co/5yvw)之類。
12. 應該話,當年真係睇本書仔,而當年啲簡介真係亂Q咁寫,我懷疑寫嗰個都冇睇過套戲(例如上面嗰套)。咁就真係睇彩數,唔知畀啲乜你。
13. 特別係我當年仲有年年去歐洲嘅習慣(而家老了,只去返亞洲)。仲鍾意玩嗰年去邊就睇邊度嘅戲。有年去北歐,就專揀入面北歐嘅戲。有年去巴爾幹,就睇巴爾幹嘅戲。
14. 當然而家資訊發達啦,你知晒啲戲拎咩獎呀,上網會見到影評呀,Rotten Tomato IMDB呀咁。一方面係減少中伏,但正如舊朋友話齋,「電影節就係要睇中伏片」,而家揀片亦好似小心咗好多,就冇咗呢啲樂趣了。
15. 呀,當然,聽啲古怪導演嚟講嘢,都係好好玩的。有年在圓方,睇《巴東羅密歐與茱麗葉》(https://amz.run/4OcG)(聽名都舖好嘢),睇睇下有條友坐在我側邊。有時又搖頭咁。然後完場我見佢走出去,原來係個印尼仔導演!
16. 你話明星嗰啲我就不了,早年電影節往往有啲韓仔嚟(有年有韓仔RAIN,你想像到會有乜後果),就演變成為少女叫春大會了。係架啦,我呢啲懶撚係嘢知識份子係咁的。
17. 同樣地,以前我會留低聽導演講嘢,而家就不了。聽聞有人話我咁唔尊重導演,但真係不了,首先好多時趕第二場,二來,真係不了,浪費時間的。以前還好,而家仲要聽埋啲香港觀眾個個做smart ass,當然何謂「stupid question」好主觀。但,即係我至撚憎演唱會側邊啲友唱埋一份—我嚟聽個歌手唱,唔係聽你唱喎。同樣地,近年電影節啲Q&A,往往出現一個好有趣嘅情況:啲觀眾講嘅,仲多過導演答嘅。做乜春?哦,你好有insight,關我撚事?我睇場刊,話完場有導演同大家交流,唔見你個名喎。
18. 我嚟睇戲喎,唔係聽閣下講你對黑海局勢有乜撚嘢偉論—有一年真係出現過,套戲叫《俄帝的殘酷教訓》,講普京,而條友講咗一大輪佢對呢個高加索政治嘅高見,結果連South Ossetia都唔識講,仲要講中文。而大佬,你即係玩死傳譯嗰個啫。
19. 至於翻譯,又係另一問題。當然你可以鬧我係沙文優越撚扮晒嘢。但,我是十分簡單的—普通話要譯都仲算。但我認為,唔識聽唔識講英文嘅,就唔應該問問題了。咁樣可以慳返好多時間。
20. 當然,而家啲人係好撚惡的,「乜撚嘢呀,唔識英文冇權睇戲呀?」。答案係:你當然有權睇,咪睇咗咯。但就唔使參加埋賽後評呢部份了,係有心參加嘅,其實好多導演演員根本都唔係英文母語,佢接觸英文嘅機會點都少過你,閣下所撚謂九年免費教育(好似仲好多話係大學生喎),子宮開始學英文,係咪應該檢討下?
21. 況且,真係要學陶傑話齋,識英文呢啲真係一度門。我見啲台仔有時都講,點解要識英文呢?點解要有國際觀呢?哦。香港做金融就話要識英文啫。哦。又真係我見有香港人移民台灣,覺得啲仔女唔識英文係冇所謂的。哦,好彩我唔係佢個仔。
22. 現實係,我從不戀英,即使我在英國讀Master,即使我年年都交足錢續BNO,都從來冇諗過移民過去。但,英國同英文係兩回事啦下。你只睇華文嘢嘅,祝你好運。再現實啲,好多時你睇外語片戲,都只係睇英文字幕。咁你英文都唔識嘅,你咪去屌人老母去話 「乜撚嘢呀,唔識英文冇權睇戲呀?」。
23. 話我廢老都係咁講,以前電影節呢,係冇咁多古靈精怪嘢嘅。正如以前上網呢,係冇咁多煩人嘅。民主化真好。
24. 又講得太遠了,無論如何,呢個就今年我嘅時間表,Catch me if you can.
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2021比別人知得多。subscribe now。Ivan Patreon,港美市場評點,專題號外,每日一圖,好文推介。每星期6篇,月費80,半年已1400人訂!(https://bityl.co/4Y0h)。 年費仲有85折
同時也有9部Youtube影片,追蹤數超過2萬的網紅Handline Fishing,也在其Youtube影片中提到,*新手必看*9個常用釣魚釣組+示範 波子壓底 仕掛 鈍釣 (艇釣+岸釣)|『港水釣組應用篇+教學』{粵語旁白+中文字幕} How to catch fish with live Bait, 9 Fishing Tackles and Skills | [Hong Kong HK Fishing :...
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- 關於catch 22中文 在 Facebook 的最佳解答
- 關於catch 22中文 在 君子馬蘭頭 - Ivan Li 李聲揚 Facebook 的最佳解答
- 關於catch 22中文 在 黃之鋒 Joshua Wong Facebook 的精選貼文
- 關於catch 22中文 在 Handline Fishing Youtube 的最佳解答
- 關於catch 22中文 在 emi wong Youtube 的最佳解答
- 關於catch 22中文 在 Muyu Art Youtube 的最佳貼文
- 關於catch 22中文 在 Re: [問題] catch-22 - 看板Fiction - 批踢踢實業坊 的評價
- 關於catch 22中文 在 h-22》,中文譯作第《二十二 - Facebook - 登录或注册 的評價
- 關於catch 22中文 在 在PTT/MOBILE01上汽車保養配件評價分析-2022-05(持續更新) 的評價
- 關於catch 22中文 在 在PTT/MOBILE01上汽車保養配件評價分析-2022-05(持續更新) 的評價
- 關於catch 22中文 在 Catch 22 (2019) 第22條軍規預告片 的評價
catch 22中文 在 君子馬蘭頭 - Ivan Li 李聲揚 Facebook 的最佳解答
[大韓航空+韓亞ASIANA]我懷疑有冇人好似我咁得閒寫韓國airline.之前寫過,小小一個韓國,居然有8間客運嘅航空公司,十分神奇(*)。韓國咁嘅嘥屎,近乎係冇domestic嘅(其實首爾—釡山都有,但只係玩轉機吧?)。唯一最多人坐就係首爾去濟州(你鍾意釡山去濟州都得嘅),而你估到有乜後果,就係平到坐巴士咁,仲要好密,聽韓仔朋友直頭去到機場先買都仲得(而即使香港飛首爾啲機票長期都係平)。
咁但,八間公司(埃汾坐過五間!),有五間都係兩大集團。大韓航空同埋真航空(廉航),就係韓進嘅。韓亞ASIANA,釡山航空,同埋首爾航空,就係錦湖韓亞嘅。
(剩返嗰三間,濟洲航空,T'way同埋EASTARJET,而舊年濟洲航空食埋EASTARJET)
咁即係,大家都估到,實會有人做唔住,再加埋疫情,就當然行業整合了。不過估唔到一嚟就嚟單大嘅,索性 大韓航空 同 韓亞ASIANA 合併。下面另外嗰三間嘢都應該會整合。
話會成為全球第十大航空公司,就聽住先。不過韓進嘅講法係:1億人口以下嘅國家,就唔應該有兩間full service 嘅airline喎。
亦都正如新聞講,係韓國政府主導的—當然有中文同英文梳屎,不過貼日文好似型啲(**)
咁,都係例牌嗰啲嘢啦,整合,節省資源(translation:炒人,機會嚟啦飛雲),少啲競爭(translation:加價)。股價當然係反應正面,韓亞ASIANA一日就升30%,大韓航空都升13%—留意兩間嘅股價都返返疫情之前,十分堅,記住真係冇乜國內線的。不過見啲韓仔韓妹朋友呢期個個都去濟州,同我地去長洲一樣,因為冇得去第度。
又,重覆一次,諗起大韓航空,都係諗起《十二夜》嘅張栢芝,咁就廿年。著大韓航空制服嘅栢芝,就好過飛天小女警了。正所謂香港我地貼架妹,日本人地就貼張栢芝—詹瑞文呃咗我好多年,我後來去咗N次日本,都冇見過有人貼張栢芝(但有人貼韓妹,你懂的)
(*)其實仲有第九間,江原航空,但完全冇見過。
(**)我唔識日文,但點解會收到日經漑日文newsletter?呢個係一個十分之Catch 22嘅故事。點解收到?因為我取消唔到。點解我取消唔到?因為我唔識日文!上咗去研究咗一排都唔知點取消。咁但做乜我最初會訂?因為當年有篇訪問上咗日經。日文呀!我貼在位度鳩威的,仲send畀日本人朋友。訪問嘅記者的確係日本人,不過個訪問係用普通話進行嘅(而當然,佢嘅普通話仲好過我)(其實唔難,任何「識普通話」嘅外國人都會講得好過我)
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Ivan Patreon,港美市場評點,專題號外,每日一圖,好文推介。一個月一舊水唔使,三個月已近700人訂!仲有免費試睇:https://bit.ly/31QmYj7
catch 22中文 在 黃之鋒 Joshua Wong Facebook 的精選貼文
【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】
***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated,將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像:以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文(https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/)翻譯成英文,鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演,在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***
中文精簡版本:https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/
Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.
In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.
The possibility of realizing legislative majority
Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.
The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?
Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.
Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.
Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority
To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.
While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.
Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.
Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.
Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP
What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.
Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.
The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.
Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution
Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.
Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.
The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.
All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.
https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw
catch 22中文 在 Handline Fishing Youtube 的最佳解答
*新手必看*9個常用釣魚釣組+示範 波子壓底 仕掛 鈍釣 (艇釣+岸釣)|『港水釣組應用篇+教學』{粵語旁白+中文字幕}
How to catch fish with live Bait, 9 Fishing Tackles and Skills | [Hong Kong HK Fishing : BoatGame + Shore] {Voice Over + CC}
00:00:33 釣組一 波子壓底
00:01:35 釣組二 波子壓底上面加多一門飄
00:02:22 釣組三 波子壓底後面加多一門飄
00:02:59 釣組四 波子壓底波子後面個門飄
00:03:55 釣組五 鉛頭鉤釣組
00:04:49 釣組六 仕掛釣組
00:06:36 釣組七 維基釣組
00:08:18 釣組八 馬友釣組
00:09:13 釣組九 一吟釣組
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建議下一部影片:
*新手必看*9個常用釣魚釣組+示範 波子壓底 仕掛 鈍釣 (艇釣+岸釣)|『港水釣組應用篇+教學』
影片連結: https://youtu.be/JX9eh4JnFM0
你或許感興趣的其他影片:
⚓ 維港星級艇家,只能告訴的一個公開秘密 維港碼頭底 -https://youtu.be/GZLBwBLirdY
⚓ HEA 釣維港,全程用維基釣組,首次釣贏維港艇神 維港 - https://youtu.be/XVleAlTr6Ro
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::人氣最高影片::
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=S2zjubu0RoA&list=PLGiZ1ROtXQKERHSavbId7nu3x6P3beIna
::教學/分享::
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uKTULrEyT-E&list=PLGiZ1ROtXQKGfs0mbYx-liAEWl2mzOkb7
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Hong Kong Fishing ╱ Fishing ╱ Boatgame Fishing ╱ HK Fishing ╱ Fishing Vlog ╱
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catch 22中文 在 emi wong Youtube 的最佳解答
♡SUBSCRIBE FOR WEEKLY VIDEOS 訂閱我的頻道你不會後悔☺
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♡This video is in collaboration with
► 1st Vintage Wedding Dress: The Sweet Dahlings Company https://thesweetdahlings.co/ (picked up at Journal de Chic http://www.chic-diary.com/)
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catch 22中文 在 Muyu Art Youtube 的最佳貼文
Review my diary with my Dutch boyfriend who can't not read Chinese. I have nothing to hide from him, but still a bit lost in translation. It's normal that sometimes he can't catch up my thinking level😌. I'm glad to know if you feel the same way. Hope you enjoy this new art form since I discovered my screen record function🤳.
不需導讀👉http://irismuyu.com/2018/11/12/10-5-11-11dutchdiary/
發現手機錄製銀幕功能,還錄製了此影片﹕ 向不懂中文的男友解說我的日記,因為他一直都想偷看我的日記卻看不懂,我也不介意和他分享所思所想,不小心實驗出了一種Lost in translation 的藝術型式。男友跟不上我的思考程度,實屬正常。我相信妳有同感。
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catch 22中文 在 h-22》,中文譯作第《二十二 - Facebook - 登录或注册 的推薦與評價
今天分享一個有趣的詞彙:catch-22 catch-22 稱作「第22條軍規」,意思是「矛盾的窘境」。 比方: You are trapped in a catch-22. ... <看更多>
catch 22中文 在 在PTT/MOBILE01上汽車保養配件評價分析-2022-05(持續更新) 的推薦與評價
2022catch 22 syndrome中文討論推薦,在PTT/MOBILE01汽車相關資訊,找catch 22症候群,catch 22意思,catch 22 syndrome中文在YouTube影片與社群(Facebook/IG)熱門討論 ... ... <看更多>
catch 22中文 在 Re: [問題] catch-22 - 看板Fiction - 批踢踢實業坊 的推薦與評價
https://reading.lib.fzu.edu.cn/readerg/%E3%80%8A%E7%AC%AC%E4%BA%8C%E5%8D%81%E4%BA%8C%E6%9D%A1%E5%86%9B%E8%A7%84%E3%80%8B.htm
上有一些介紹.
這是黑色幽默小說的典範, 故事環繞著一個自我矛盾的規定 "Catch-22" 展開.
"Catch-22" 已經成為片語, 形容無可奈何進退維谷的窘境(中文難以形容).
這個窘境用現在的話來說就是
"你想提早退伍, 就要提出精神異常的申請,
但是第二十二條軍規說,會提出提早退伍申請的人, 就不會是精神異常的人"
底下節錄書上的第五章中文翻譯, 為書中出現 Catch-22 的部分, 相當精采.
---
.....約塞連,這家伙竟當即拿定主意,要裝瘋賣傻。
“你是在浪費時間,”丹尼卡醫生不得不跟他這么說。
“難道你就不能讓一個瘋子停飛?”
“哦,當然可以。再說,我必須那么做。有一條軍規明文規定,我必須禁止任何一
個瘋子執行飛行任務。”
“那你為什么不讓我停飛?我真是瘋了。不信,你去問克萊文杰。”
“克萊文杰?克萊文杰在哪儿?你把克萊文杰找來,我來問他。”
“那你去問問其他什么人。他們會告訴你,我究竟瘋到了什么程度。”
“他們一個個都是瘋子。”
“那你干嗎不讓他們停飛?”
“他們干嗎不來找我提這個要求?”
“因為他們都是瘋子,原因就在這里。”
“他們當然都是瘋子,”丹尼卡醫生回答道。
“我剛跟你說過,他們一個個都是瘋子,是不是?
你總不至于讓瘋子來判定,你究竟是不是瘋子,對不?”
約塞連极嚴肅地看著他,想用另一种方式試試。“奧爾是不是瘋子?”
“他當然是瘋子,”丹尼卡醫生說。
“你能讓他停飛嗎?”
“當然可以。不過,先得由他自己來向我提這個要求。規定中有這一條。”
“那他干嗎不來找你?”
“因為他是瘋子,”丹尼卡醫生說,“他好多次死里逃生,可還是一個勁地上天執
行作戰任務,他要不是瘋子,那才怪呢。當然,我可以讓奧爾停飛。但,他首先得自己
來找我提這個要求。”
“難道他只要跟你提出要求,就可以停飛?”
“沒錯。讓他來找我。”
“這樣你就能讓他停飛?”約塞連問。
“不能。這樣我就不能讓他停飛。”
“你是說這其中有個圈套?”
“那當然,”丹尼卡醫生答道,“這就是第二十二條軍規。凡是想逃脫作戰任務的
人,絕對不會是真正的瘋子。”
這其中只有一個圈套,那便是第二十二條軍規。軍規規定,凡在面對迫在眉睫的、
實實在在的危險時,對自身的安危所表現出的關切,是大腦的理性活動過程。奧爾是瘋
了,可以獲准停止飛行。他必須做的事,就是提出要求,然而,一旦他提出要求,他便
不再是瘋子,必須繼續執行飛行任務。如果奧爾繼續執行飛行任務,他便是瘋子,但假
如他就此停止飛行,那說明他神志完全正常,然而,要是他神志正常,那么他就必須去
執行飛行任務。假如他執行飛行任務,他便是瘋子,所以就不必去飛行;但如果他不想
去飛行,那么他就不是瘋子,于是便不得不去。第二十二條軍規這一條款,實在是再簡
洁不過,約塞連深受感動,于是,很肅然地吹了聲口哨。
“這第二十二條軍規,實在是個了不起的圈套,”他說。
“絕妙無比。”丹尼卡醫生表示贊同。
--
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* 雄壯 威武 嚴肅 剛直 安靜 堅強 *
* 確實 速捷 沉著 忍耐 機警 勇敢 *
* 我是教官 教官是我 *
* 每個人都記嘉獎一支 *
*********************************
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◆ From: 218.164.167.26
※ 編輯: Giawgwan 來自: 218.164.167.26 (09/02 23:01)
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