關於 is stock market open today ，我們在網路上蒐集到這些相關的討論、資訊與評價

Nikola รถบรรทุกไฟฟ้า ล้านล้าน ลวงโลก /โดย ลงทุนแมน
ในช่วงไม่กี่เดือนที่ผ่านมา เราอาจจะได้เห็นข่าวว่ามีหลายบริษัทที่ถูกจับทุจริต

ทั้งการโกงบัญชีของ Luckin Coffee ธุรกิจร้านกาแฟที่โตระเบิดจนมีสาขามากกว่า Starbucks
...Continue ReadingNikola, a trillionaire electric truck / by investment man.
In the past few months, we may have seen the news that many companies have been caught corrupt.

Luckin Coffee's accounting cheating, a grown-up coffee shop business explodes more branches than Starbucks.

To Kingold, a Chinese gold trading company in US stock market caught using fake gold for loan.

And recently, another company that was accused of corruption and deceiving the whole world.

That's a Nikola company that claims to produce electric and hydrogen vehicles that many people see have a chance to grow into Tesla's most important competitor, the world's most valuable car company.

Suspicious occurs because the founder of Trevor Milton has announced his sudden resignation after being accused of corruption for only 10 days.

This whole thing is pressure on Nikola company's shares falling from the highest point in June this year. Over 79 %

So what did Nikola do to be suspicious of corruption?
Investment man will tell you about it.
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First let's get to know the other important character of this story. That's Hindenburg Research.

This company does a corrupt business. It's going to make huge profit from Short Sell or borrowing shares of companies that are likely to be pre-sell.

Back to the beginning of this year, Muddy Waters Research was one of the corrupted companies who took huge profit from Short Sell after they caught Luckin Coffee cheating on their record of over-sales.

Hindenburg Research has Short Sell, Nikola Stocks, and has published a 76 page long report to show proof that Nikola is running a world-wide business.

Nikola was founded in 2014 with a mission to build automotive, polluting with electric battery technology with hydrogen from the company's research and development.

With clean energy the world's investment theme, including seniors like Tesla, can achieve huge success to the value of increasingly becoming the world's most valuable car company.

Nikola is easy to earn credibility and magnetism. Investors are attracted to fundraising quickly. Fast to the Stock Exchange. After only 6 years of business.

So how much does Nikola earn now?

If we come to see the results of Nikola company.

First 6 months, year 2019 Income 4 million baht. Lost 1,477 million baht.
First 6 months, year 2020 Income 3 million baht. Lost 4,198 million baht.

Interesting is Nikola's income we see coming from another business.
Because the company actually has income from selling automotive is 0 baht..

And this is because Nikola hasn't sold a car yet because the company can't produce a really viable car. Only the prototype is still under the testing. Expected to start manufacturing by 2021

Although Nikola hasn't sold any cars yet, you know that Nikola has reached 1.1 trillion baht more than Ford, the company that sold 5.5 million cars in the past year.

Such value is the expectation of investors who believe in electric and hydrogen battery technology that can make Nikola a blast. No different than Tesla can do.

But it seems like none of these things are true..

One of the key points Hindenburg Research accuses Nikola is that this company doesn't have its own technology, but only hires other manufacturers to produce.

By some reports, Nikola has gone to order inverter, an electric truck component from Cascadia.

But after Nikola took the car out, the company claimed that the inverter was a technology manufactured by the black tape to close the Cascadia brand..

And the latest case Nikola just announced to redeem 11 % of his own company's shares in exchange for hiring GM to produce a car.

There are many investors starting to see that Nikola's technology used to produce is almost from all GM.

Apart from technology that the company is accused of

Over the time, Trevor Milton, the founder of the company, has been suspicious. Changing the launch of the model car to be manufactured into a show of just a running model car. Plus, open for the reservation to pull money into the company.

And recently after Nikola was attacked by Hindenburg Research company.

Instead, the founder of a company like Trevor Milton brought evidence to confirm transparency and confidence that the company was in the right direction, but he announced his resignation almost immediately..

The story of Trevor Milton has been linked to Elizabeth Holmes, the former owner of a single drop of blood startup, changed the world Theranos who haunted the world a few years ago.

Nikola used to have a company worth of 1.1 trillion baht after entering the stock market successfully within a month.

But today, the company's value has fallen to 2.3 billion Baht. It's a 79 % fall.

Which if Hindenburg Research reports are true.
Worth 2.3 hundred thousand baht. It should be too much.
Because the true value of this company may just be emptiness..
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References
-https://www.cnbc.com/2020/09/14/nikola-details-false-and-misleading-information-of-short-sellers-fraud-claims.html
-https://www.cnbc.com/2020/09/08/general-motors-takes-11percent-stake-and-2-billion-in-equity-in-electric-truck-maker-nikola-.html
-https://hindenburgresearch.com/nikola/
-https://swarajyamag.com/news-brief/touted-as-next-tesla-electric-vehicle-startup-nikola-is-now-drawing-comparison-with-theranos-for-fraudulent-misrepresentation
-https://electrek.co/2020/09/14/nikola-nkla-admits-faking-video-driving-prototype-weak-response/Translated

เงินมีก้อนเดียว แต่ถูกทุบให้กระจาย /โดย ลงทุนแมน
เมื่อวันก่อนได้คุยกับผู้บริหารของบริษัทใหญ่ที่เป็นเจ้าของช่องทีวีช่องหนึ่ง ทำให้คิดได้ว่า ตอนนี้ เม็ดเงินโฆษณา กำลังเปลี่ยนไปจากที่คนในวงการคุ้นเคยไป "แบบถาวร"

สำหรับเจ้าของช่องทีวี ที่นึกถึงอดีตอันหอมหวาน แล้วนั่งภาวนารอ สปอนเซอร์แย่งกันเข้ามาต่อคิวโฆษณาระหว่างละคร ระหว่างรายการข่าว แบบเมื่อ 10 ปีที่แล้ว คงจะเป็นสิ่งที่ไม่เกิดขึ้นแล้ว
...Continue ReadingThere is only one bar of money, but it is smashed to distribute / investman.
The other day, talking to the executives of big corporations who own a TV channel. Realize that advertising money is now changing from those in the industry. ′′ permanently ′′

For the owner of the TV channel who thinks of the sweet past and sits in prayer and waits for the sponsor to get in the queue for the commercials during the 10 years of the last news show, it's probably not happening.

Which means that there are ten other missionaries, it doesn't bring more people back to turn on the TV.

The last event that the most people turned on TV, The Mask Singer and Baptist Noodles 3-4 years ago.
No one would have ever thought that was the peak of the TV already.
And it reflects that BEC stock price fell from 20 baht to 4 baht and Workpoint fell from 100 baht to 10 baht now..

Why is the story happening?
Invest man will tell you about it.
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This story has many factors involved.
Both behaviors, people who are used to watching smartphones all the time.
The whole container is brought backwards. Let's see it by the need of less live watching.
Which all of this means our eyes are being taken by a smartphone from a TV screen.

In fact, a smartphone doesn't snatch from a TV. It snatches us from everything that is idle time or our free time in every moment.
We waiting for the elevator to pick up the mobile phone.
We wait for the electric car to pick up the mobile phone.
We are waiting for the red light to pick up the mobile phone.
And a lot of people think about it. It's a boyfriend's fight. Less than the previous boyfriend's appointment. Because now my boyfriend is late. We pick up the phone and watch it so that he can't be indifferent. When the other

Which too, TV is one idle time that the new generation thinks we can pick up the mobile phone instead.
So that makes some people say, ′′ Can't remember when was the last time the TV turned on?"

This story also resulted in many things like decorating condominium or house. Having TV in each room is very important.
But now becoming many people say that there is no need to spare a place for TV..

I have to admit that there are still a group of people who are familiar with turning on TV, most of them are 40 or older.
But if we think 40 or older people don't look at smartphone, we might have to rethink it.
Because smartphone is now accessible to all people of all ages.
Just this group of people are relieved of turning on TV while watching smartphone..

The next point that is the heart of the story is.
Advertisement money is only available and it flows to those who spend their time on it.
And of course from the same. TV's the number one choice and the most budget.
Now it's gonna be an important transaction where TV won't get the most money anymore..
Where the money will spread. No need to tell. We can guess..

Apart from the less TV-giving advertising budget, TV advertising has changed.
We will start to see
Interviews on TV. There are no commercials during the program. But more products in Tie In on the list.
House invasion program, interviewed stars, no advertisement during the program, but suddenly Darra comes to introduce inactive looking products.

Why is it?
The first thing is now, even if people watch TV, but people don't tolerate advertising during advertisements. When they are in commercials, people will come to watch their own smartphone, plow, Facebook, Facebook, Line.
The next thing is TV shows these days will bring contents to look backwards. Advertising in the list will be more beneficial than advertising during the program. In reality, there are no live-watching people..

When things are like this, the result is coming out at the advertisement. No one comes to sponsor because people put money in once and they are afraid of it. No one cares to open it backwards.

So we can see ads in between, only TV ads. Follow this list. There are plenty of ads after cutting into the commercials that are sponsored.

The next interesting question is.
And who are the people who benefit from online channels?

If we think there will be a big one, like Channel 3, Channel 7, can control all online marketplace and as big as before, I have to say that it's probably a dream that is impossible.

Because the principle of online media is that anyone can produce contents at a much lower cost than before. This is based on the unique characteristics of the owner of the channel or page.

What will happen is Personalized or so that the audience will spread to the channel or page they like on the Fragmented Market without anyone controlling the market.
To compare, it's like a dental shop distributed to each community. Noted that it's up to a good dentist in the community. No one can be a major country.

And of course, investment in production, drama, giant game show, magnificent. It may be less and less.
Because today people making containers are focused on ′′ speed ′′ rather than ′′ quality
It's probably a disadvantage that we may not see the intended containers planned for years like the old days anymore.

What we might see next is Consolidate or a group of more big partnering channels or pages. They can sell more ads across each other and set higher advertising prices.
And maybe we'll probably see a consolidate company of a channel or an online page big enough to be listed on future stock market..

Now we are in a head-to-head.
Which even everyone in the industry doesn't know how it ends.
But now I have to admit it's not the same anymore.
Because one sum of money is smashed to spread already.

And the interesting thing is that while everyone in Thailand can make contents.
But the one who has benefited from everyone is a foreign platform that hardly pays taxes to Thailand..
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【 黎安友專文 l 中國如何看待香港危機 】

美國哥倫比亞大學的資深中國通黎安友（Andrew Nathan）教授最近在《外交事務》（Foreign Affairs）雜誌的專文，值得一看。

黎安友是台灣許多中國研究學者的前輩級老師，小英總統去哥大演講時，正是他積極促成。小英在美國的僑宴，黎安友也是座上賓。

這篇文章的標題是：「中國如何看待香港危機：北京自我克制背後的真正原因」。

文章很長，而且用英文寫，需要花點時間閱讀。大家有空可以看看。

Andrew這篇文章的立論基礎，是來自北京核心圈的匿名說法。以他在學術界的地位，我相信他對消息來源已經做了足夠的事實查核或確認。

這篇文章，是在回答一個疑問：中共為何在香港事件如此自制？有人說是怕西方譴責，有人說是怕損害香港的金融地位。

都不是。這篇文章認為，上述兩者都不是中共的真實顧慮。

無論你多痛恨中共，你都必須真實面對你的敵人。

中共是搞經濟階級鬥爭起家的，當年用階級鬥爭打敗國民黨。而現在，中共正用這樣的思維處理香港議題。

文章有一句話：“China’s response has been rooted not in anxiety but in confidence.” 這句話道盡階級鬥爭的精髓。

中共一點都不焦慮。相反地，中共很有自信，香港的菁英階級及既得利益的收編群體，到最後會支持中共。

這個分化的心理基礎，來自經濟上的利益。

文中還提到，鄧小平當年給香港五十年的一國兩制，就是為了「給香港足夠的時間適應中共的政治系統」。

1997年，香港的GDP佔中國的18%。2018年，這個比例降到2.8%。

今日的香港經濟，在中共的評估，是香港需要中國，而不是中國需要香港。

中共正在在意的，是香港的高房價問題。香港的房價，在過去十年內三倍翻漲。

文章是這樣描述：
“Housing prices have tripled over the past decade; today, the median price of a house is more than 20 times the median gross annual household income. The median rent has increased by nearly 25 percent in the past six years. As many as 250,000 people are waiting for public housing. At the same time, income growth for many Hong Kong residents has fallen below the overall increase in cost of living.”

無論你同不同意這些說法，都請你試圖客觀地看看這篇文章。

有趣的是，黎安友在文章中部分論點引述了他的消息來源（但他並沒有加上個人評論），部分是他自己的觀察。

#護台胖犬劉仕傑
Instagram: old_dog_chasing_ball

新書：《 我在外交部工作 》

**

黎安友原文：

https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/china/2019-09-30/how-china-sees-hong-kong-crisis?fbclid=IwAR2PwHns5gWrw0fT0sa5LuO8zgv4PhLmkYfegtBgoOMCD3WJFI3w5NTe0S4

How China Sees the Hong Kong Crisis
The Real Reasons Behind Beijing’s Restraint

By Andrew J. Nathan September 30, 2019

Massive and sometimes violent protests have rocked Hong Kong for over 100 days. Demonstrators have put forward five demands, of which the most radical is a call for free, direct elections of Hong Kong’s chief executive and all members of the territory’s legislature: in other words, a fully democratic system of local rule, one not controlled by Beijing. As this brazen challenge to Chinese sovereignty has played out, Beijing has made a show of amassing paramilitary forces just across the border in Shenzhen. So far, however, China has not deployed force to quell the unrest and top Chinese leaders have refrained from making public threats to do so.

Western observers who remember the violent crackdown on pro-democracy demonstrators in Tiananmen Square 30 years ago have been puzzled by Beijing’s forbearance. Some have attributed Beijing’s restraint to a fear of Western condemnation if China uses force. Others have pointed to Beijing’s concern that a crackdown would damage Hong Kong’s role as a financial center for China.

But according to two Chinese scholars who have connections to regime insiders and who requested anonymity to discuss the thinking of policymakers in Beijing, China’s response has been rooted not in anxiety but in confidence. Beijing is convinced that Hong Kong’s elites and a substantial part of the public do not support the demonstrators and that what truly ails the territory are economic problems rather than political ones—in particular, a combination of stagnant incomes and rising rents. Beijing also believes that, despite the appearance of disorder, its grip on Hong Kong society remains firm. The Chinese Communist Party has long cultivated the territory’s business elites (the so-called tycoons) by offering them favorable economic access to the mainland. The party also maintains a long-standing loyal cadre of underground members in the territory. And China has forged ties with the Hong Kong labor movement and some sections of its criminal underground. Finally, Beijing believes that many ordinary citizens are fearful of change and tired of the disruption caused by the demonstrations.

Beijing therefore thinks that its local allies will stand firm and that the demonstrations will gradually lose public support and eventually die out. As the demonstrations shrink, some frustrated activists will engage in further violence, and that in turn will accelerate the movement’s decline. Meanwhile, Beijing is turning its attention to economic development projects that it believes will address some of the underlying grievances that led many people to take to the streets in the first place.

This view of the situation is held by those at the very top of the regime in Beijing, as evidenced by recent remarks made by Chinese President Xi Jinping, some of which have not been previously reported. In a speech Xi delivered in early September to a new class of rising political stars at the Central Party School in Beijing, he rejected the suggestion of some officials that China should declare a state of emergency in Hong Kong and send in the People’s Liberation Army. “That would be going down a political road of no return,” Xi said. “The central government will exercise the most patience and restraint and allow the [regional government] and the local police force to resolve the crisis.” In separate remarks that Xi made around the same time, he spelled out what he sees as the proper way to proceed: “Economic development is the only golden key to resolving all sorts of problems facing Hong Kong today.”

ONE COUNTRY, TWO SYSTEMS, MANY QUESTIONS

Chinese decision-makers are hardly surprised that Hong Kong is chafing under their rule. Beijing believes it has treated Hong Kong with a light hand and has supported the territory’s economy in many ways, especially by granting it special access to the mainland’s stocks and currency markets, exempting it from the taxes and fees that other Chinese provinces and municipalities pay the central government, and guaranteeing a reliable supply of water, electricity, gas, and food. Even so, Beijing considers disaffection among Hong Kong’s residents a natural outgrowth of the territory’s colonial British past and also a result of the continuing influence of Western values. Indeed, during the 1984 negotiations between China and the United Kingdom over Hong Kong’s future, the Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping suggested following the approach of “one country, two systems” for 50 years precisely to give people in Hong Kong plenty of time to get used to the Chinese political system.

But “one country, two systems” was never intended to result in Hong Kong spinning out of China’s control. Under the Basic Law that China crafted as Hong Kong’s “mini-constitution,” Beijing retained the right to prevent any challenge to what it considered its core security interests. The law empowered Beijing to determine if and when Hong Kongers could directly elect the territory’s leadership, allowed Beijing to veto laws passed by the Hong Kong Legislative Council, and granted China the right to make final interpretations of the Basic Law. And there would be no question about who had a monopoly of force. During the negotiations with the United Kingdom, Deng publicly rebuked a top Chinese defense official—General Geng Biao, who at the time was a patron of a rising young official named Xi Jinping—for suggesting that there might not be any need to put troops in Hong Kong. Deng insisted that a Chinese garrison was necessary to symbolize Chinese sovereignty.

Statements made by U.S. politicians in support of the recent demonstrations only confirm Beijing’s belief that Washington seeks to inflame radical sentiments in Hong Kong.

At first, Hong Kongers seemed to accept their new role as citizens of a rising China. In 1997, in a tracking poll of Hong Kong residents regularly conducted by researchers at the University of Hong Kong, 47 percent of respondents identified themselves as “proud” citizens of China. But things went downhill from there. In 2012, the Hong Kong government tried to introduce “patriotic education” in elementary and middle schools, but the proposed curriculum ran into a storm of local opposition and had to be withdrawn. In 2014, the 79-day Umbrella Movement brought hundreds of thousands of citizens into the streets to protest Beijing’s refusal to allow direct elections for the chief executive. And as authoritarianism has intensified under Xi’s rule, events such as the 2015 kidnapping of five Hong Kong–based publishers to stand trial in the mainland further soured Hong Kong opinion. By this past June, only 27 percent of respondents to the tracking poll described themselves as “proud” to be citizens of China. This year’s demonstrations started as a protest against a proposed law that would have allowed Hong Kongers suspected of criminal wrongdoing to be extradited to the mainland but then developed into a broad-based expression of discontent over the lack of democratic accountability, police brutality, and, most fundamentally, what was perceived as a mainland assault on Hong Kong’s unique identity.

Still, Chinese leaders do not blame themselves for these shifts in public opinion. Rather, they believe that Western powers, especially the United States, have sought to drive a wedge between Hong Kong and the mainland. Statements made by U.S. politicians in support of the recent demonstrations only confirm Beijing’s belief that Washington seeks to inflame radical sentiments in Hong Kong. As Xi explained in his speech in September:
As extreme elements in Hong Kong turn more and more violent, Western forces, especially the United States, have been increasingly open in their involvement. Some extreme anti-China forces in the United States are trying to turn Hong Kong into the battleground for U.S.-Chinese rivalry…. They want to turn Hong Kong's high degree of autonomy into de facto independence, with the ultimate objective to contain China's rise and prevent the revival of the great Chinese nation.

Chinese leaders do not fear that a crackdown on Hong Kong would inspire Western antagonism. Rather, they take such antagonism as a preexisting reality—one that goes a long way toward explaining why the disorder in Hong Kong broke out in the first place. In Beijing’s eyes, Western hostility is rooted in the mere fact of China’s rise, and thus there is no use in tailoring China’s Hong Kong strategy to influence how Western powers would respond.

IT’S NOT ABOUT THE BENJAMINS

The view that Xi has not deployed troops because of Hong Kong’s economic importance to the mainland is also misguided, and relies on an outdated view of the balance of economic power. In 1997, Hong Kong’s GDP was equivalent to 18 percent of the mainland’s. Most of China’s foreign trade was conducted through Hong Kong, providing China with badly needed hard currencies. Chinese companies raised most of their capital on the Hong Kong stock exchange. Today, things are vastly different. In 2018, Hong Kong’s GDP was equal to only 2.7 percent of the mainland’s. Shenzhen alone has overtaken Hong Kong in terms of GDP. Less than 12 percent of China’s exports now flow through Hong Kong. The combined market value of China’s domestic stock exchanges in Shanghai and Shenzhen far surpasses that of the Hong Kong Stock Exchange, and Chinese companies can also list in Frankfurt, London, New York, and elsewhere.

Although Hong Kong remains the largest offshore clearing center for renminbi, that role could easily be filled by London or Singapore, if Chinese leaders so desired.
Investment flowing into and out of China still tends to pass through financial holding vehicles set up in Hong Kong, in order to benefit from the region’s legal protections. But China’s new foreign investment law (which will take effect on January 1, 2020) and other recent policy changes mean that such investment will soon be able to bypass Hong Kong. And although Hong Kong remains the largest offshore clearing center for renminbi, that role could easily be filled by London or Singapore, if Chinese leaders so desired.

Wrecking Hong Kong’s economy by using military force to impose emergency rule would not be a good thing for China. But the negative effect on the mainland’s prosperity would not be strong enough to prevent Beijing from doing whatever it believes is necessary to maintain control over the territory.

CAN’T BUY ME LOVE?

As it waits out the current crisis, Beijing has already started tackling the economic problems that it believes are the source of much of the anger among Hong Kongers. Housing prices have tripled over the past decade; today, the median price of a house is more than 20 times the median gross annual household income. The median rent has increased by nearly 25 percent in the past six years. As many as 250,000 people are waiting for public housing. At the same time, income growth for many Hong Kong residents has fallen below the overall increase in cost of living.

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Video Title: Has KFC Conquered Asia?

"We’ve already covered McDonald’s on this channel, and, well, now it’s time for some KFC. Kentucky Fried Chicken is the world’s second largest restaurant chain after McDonald’s, with over 23000 outlets in more than 140 countries and territories around the world. Now recently, the number of KFC outlets has been declining in the US, but the company has actually continued to grow over in Asia. In fact, KFC’s largest market lies on this continent (we’ll get to that soon). KFC was founded on March 20th, 1930 in Kentucky, with its very first franchise opening in Utah in 1952. Just a year later it made its way to Canada; and in 1965 the first overseas franchise outside of North America opened in the UK. Now it’s from this point where KFC enters the Asian market (well before McDonald’s); and, in this video I’ll be taking you through the next 54 years of KFC's Asian ascension. So, which Asian country was the first to open a KFC? What did KFC have to sacrifice in order to compete with local markets? And how much of Asia is there still left to conquer, as of today? Indeed we’ll get to all of that, so grab a Zinger burger, maybe some drumsticks, and we’ll explore every Asian country to have ever had a KFC!...