#為何香港是新冷戰下的東柏林
https://twitter.com/joshuawongcf/status/1326918252082171904
「若然全球陷入新冷戰,在威權政體和自由世界之間,香港必然就是新柏林。」在上世紀的冷戰,柏林仍是資本主義與共產主義競爭的地域,而香港如今則成為民主與獨裁對抗的重要陣地。毋容置疑,中國共產黨很想擴大其影響力,如以經濟影響力爭取世界同盟靠攏其命令,但我相信越來越多國家將意識其威脅並投入抵抗。
外交專家們已經指出,中美持續的緊張關係,從結構上將改變世界秩序,也說明國際社會描述角力為新冷戰的源起。我想,貿易戰只是一個開始,接下來的信息競賽和科技競爭,反而更為關鍵。即使香港不像上世紀的柏林一樣劃分為四個佔領區,但也被界分分為兩個陣營,支持中共專政和支持自由與民主的政府。
若然香港不能力挽狂瀾,將產生骨牌效應,動搖世界經濟體系的既有秩序,並衝擊本來大家所擁抱的民主信仰。這就說明,香港抗爭並非只限於影響香港人,香港抗爭的未來形勢,在地緣政治的層面,將牽一髮而動全身。
’If we are in the new Cold War, HK is the new Berlin.’’ -- for we are now standing between the free world and the dictatorship of China. I’m not an expert in academic but perhaps the historical context would help us shed light on many similarities.
First of all, during the Cold War, Berlin was the forefront of the two competing ideologies - Capitalism & Communism; ironically, at present, Hong Kong has become the wrestling ground for two ideologies-- Democratic values, liberties versus absolute dictatorship. The communist party is very eager in expanding its influence in the world and setting up satellite states through economic means. The free world is realizing its intention and preparing itself to resist its threat.
Diplomatic experts already pointed out that the ongoing tension between China and US had structurally changed the world order & would eventually escalate into the new Cold War. The trade dispute is only the beginning, there lies the information and technology competition. The development in 2020 has proven so. And Hong Kong is like Berlin, not being physically divided into four occupation zones, but is divided into two opposing ideologies-- the government that supports the dictatorship and those who support freedom and democracy.
However, if HK falls, the domino effect will follow, it will hinder the world’s economy & the beliefs of democracy. That is why we, HKers are not just fighting this uphill battle for our own. The world and we, are all in this together.
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https://twitter.com/joshuawongcf/status/1326918252082171904
同時也有1部Youtube影片,追蹤數超過1萬的網紅translation,也在其Youtube影片中提到,#'91年にに光栄が発売した98版からの移植となる戦略SLGでありWWIIゲームシリーズの第2作。第二次世界大戦中のヨーロッパ・北アフリカの戦場を舞台にストーリーは進む。全体シナリオがなく、"大戦略"のような、マップをi面ずつクリアしていくタイプのシステムを持ち、プレイヤーは枢軸軍か連合軍を選び、作...
「battle of berlin order of battle」的推薦目錄:
- 關於battle of berlin order of battle 在 黃之鋒 Joshua Wong Facebook 的最佳解答
- 關於battle of berlin order of battle 在 黃之鋒 Joshua Wong Facebook 的最佳解答
- 關於battle of berlin order of battle 在 作者 Facebook 的最佳解答
- 關於battle of berlin order of battle 在 translation Youtube 的最讚貼文
- 關於battle of berlin order of battle 在 Order of battle for the Battle of Berlin - YouTube 的評價
battle of berlin order of battle 在 黃之鋒 Joshua Wong Facebook 的最佳解答
【《金融時報》深度長訪】
今年做過數百外媒訪問,若要說最能反映我思緒和想法的訪問,必然是《金融時報》的這一個,沒有之一。
在排山倒海的訪問裡,這位記者能在短短個半小時裡,刻畫得如此傳神,值得睇。
Joshua Wong plonks himself down on a plastic stool across from me. He is there for barely 10 seconds before he leaps up to greet two former high school classmates in the lunchtime tea house melee. He says hi and bye and then bounds back. Once again I am facing the young man in a black Chinese collared shirt and tan shorts who is proving such a headache for the authorities in Beijing.
So far, it’s been a fairly standard week for Wong. On a break from a globe-trotting, pro-democracy lobbying tour, he was grabbed off the streets of Hong Kong and bundled into a minivan. After being arrested, he appeared on the front pages of the world’s newspapers and was labelled a “traitor” by China’s foreign ministry.
He is very apologetic about being late for lunch.
Little about Wong, the face of Hong Kong’s democracy movement, can be described as ordinary: neither his Nobel Peace Prize nomination, nor his three stints in prison. Five years ago, his face was plastered on the cover of Time magazine; in 2017, he was the subject of a hit Netflix documentary, Joshua: Teenager vs Superpower. And he’s only 23.
We’re sitting inside a Cantonese teahouse in the narrow back streets near Hong Kong’s parliament, where he works for a pro-democracy lawmaker. It’s one of the most socially diverse parts of the city and has been at the heart of five months of unrest, which has turned into a battle for Hong Kong’s future. A few weekends earlier I covered clashes nearby as protesters threw Molotov cocktails at police, who fired back tear gas. Drunk expats looked on, as tourists rushed by dragging suitcases.
The lunch crowd pours into the fast-food joint, milling around as staff set up collapsible tables on the pavement. Construction workers sit side-by-side with men sweating in suits, chopsticks in one hand, phones in the other. I scan the menu: instant noodles with fried egg and luncheon meat, deep fried pork chops, beef brisket with radish. Wong barely glances at it before selecting the hometown fried rice and milk tea, a Hong Kong speciality with British colonial roots, made with black tea and evaporated or condensed milk.
“I always order this,” he beams, “I love this place, it’s the only Cantonese teahouse in the area that does cheap, high-quality milk tea.” I take my cue and settle for the veggie and egg fried rice and a lemon iced tea as the man sitting on the next table reaches over to shake Wong’s hand. Another pats him on the shoulder as he brushes by to pay the bill.
Wong has been a recognisable face in this city since he was 14, when he fought against a proposal from the Hong Kong government to introduce a national education curriculum that would teach that Chinese Communist party rule was “superior” to western-style democracy. The government eventually backed down after more than 100,000 people took to the streets. Two years later, Wong rose to global prominence when he became the poster boy for the Umbrella Movement, in which tens of thousands of students occupied central Hong Kong for 79 days to demand genuine universal suffrage.
That movement ended in failure. Many of its leaders were sent to jail, among them Wong. But the seeds of activism were planted in the generation of Hong Kongers who are now back on the streets, fighting for democracy against the world’s most powerful authoritarian state. The latest turmoil was sparked by a controversial extradition bill but has evolved into demands for true suffrage and a showdown with Beijing over the future of Hong Kong. The unrest in the former British colony, which was handed over to China in 1997, represents the biggest uprising on Chinese soil since the 1989 pro-democracy movement in Beijing. Its climax, of course, was the Tiananmen Square massacre, when hundreds, perhaps thousands, of people were killed.
“We learnt a lot of lessons from the Umbrella Movement: how to deal with conflict between the more moderate and progressive camps, how to be more organic, how to be less hesitant,” says Wong. “Five years ago the pro-democracy camp was far more cautious about seeking international support because they were afraid of pissing off Beijing.”
Wong doesn’t appear to be afraid of irking China. Over the past few months, he has lobbied on behalf of the Hong Kong protesters to governments around the world. In the US, he testified before Congress and urged lawmakers to pass an act in support of the Hong Kong protesters — subsequently approved by the House of Representatives with strong bipartisan support. In Germany, he made headlines when he suggested two baby pandas in the Berlin Zoo be named “Democracy” and “Freedom.” He has been previously barred from entering Malaysia and Thailand due to pressure from Beijing, and a Singaporean social worker was recently convicted and fined for organising an event at which Wong spoke via Skype.
The food arrives almost immediately. I struggle to tell our orders apart. Two mouthfuls into my egg and cabbage fried rice, I regret not ordering the instant noodles with luncheon meat.
In August, a Hong Kong newspaper controlled by the Chinese Communist party published a photo of Julie Eadeh, an American diplomat, meeting pro-democracy student leaders including Wong. The headline accused “foreign forces” of igniting a revolution in Hong Kong. “Beijing says I was trained by the CIA and the US marines and I am a CIA agent. [I find it] quite boring because they have made up these kinds of rumours for seven years [now],” he says, ignoring his incessantly pinging phone.
Another thing that bores him? The media. Although Wong’s messaging is always on point, his appraisal of journalists in response to my questions is piercing and cheeky. “In 15-minute interviews I know journalists just need soundbites that I’ve repeated lots of times before. So I’ll say things like ‘I have no hope [as regards] the regime but I have hope towards the people.’ Then the journalists will say ‘oh that’s so impressive!’ And I’ll say ‘yes, I’m a poet.’ ”
And what about this choice of restaurant? “Well, I knew I couldn’t pick a five-star hotel, even though the Financial Times is paying and I know you can afford it,” he says grinning. “It’s better to do this kind of interview in a Hong Kong-style restaurant. This is the place that I conducted my first interview after I left prison.” Wong has spent around 120 days in prison in total, including on charges of unlawful assembly.
“My fellow prisoners would tell me about how they joined the Umbrella Movement and how they agreed with our beliefs. I think prisoners are more aware of the importance of human rights,” he says, adding that even the prison wardens would share with him how they had joined protests.
“Even the triad members in prison support democracy. They complain how the tax on cigarettes is extremely high and the tax on red wine is extremely low; it just shows how the upper-class elite lives here,” he says, as a waiter strains to hear our conversation. Wong was most recently released from jail in June, the day after the largest protests in the history of Hong Kong, when an estimated 2m people — more than a quarter of the territory’s 7.5m population — took to the streets.
Raised in a deeply religious family, he used to travel to mainland China every two years with his family and church literally to spread the gospel. As with many Hong Kong Chinese who trace their roots to the mainland, he doesn’t know where his ancestral village is. His lasting memory of his trips across the border is of dirty toilets, he tells me, mid-bite. He turned to activism when he realised praying didn’t help much.
“The gift from God is to have independence of mind and critical thinking; to have our own will and to make our own personal judgments. I don’t link my religious beliefs with my political judgments. Even Carrie Lam is Catholic,” he trails off, in a reference to Hong Kong’s leader. Lam has the lowest approval rating of any chief executive in the history of the city, thanks to her botched handling of the crisis.
I ask whether Wong’s father, who is also involved in social activism, has been a big influence. Wrong question.
“The western media loves to frame Joshua Wong joining the fight because of reading the books of Nelson Mandela or Martin Luther King or because of how my parents raised me. In reality, I joined street activism not because of anyone book I read. Why do journalists always assume anyone who strives for a better society has a role model?” He glances down at his pinging phone and draws a breath, before continuing. “Can you really describe my dad as an activist? I support LGBTQ rights,” he says, with a fist pump. His father, Roger Wong, is a well-known anti-gay rights campaigner in Hong Kong.
I notice he has put down his spoon, with half a plate of fried rice untouched. I decide it would be a good idea to redirect our conversation by bonding over phone addictions. Wong, renowned for his laser focus and determination, replies to my emails and messages at all hours and has been described by his friends as “a robot.”
He scrolls through his Gmail, his inbox filled with unread emails, showing me how he categorises interview requests with country tags. His life is almost solely dedicated to activism. “My friends and I used to go to watch movies and play laser tag but now of course we don’t have time to play any more: we face real bullets every weekend.”
The protests — which have seen more than 3,300 people arrested — have been largely leaderless. “Do you ever question your relevance to the movement?” I venture, mid-spoonful of congealed fried rice.
“Never,” he replies with his mouth full. “We have a lot of facilitators in this movement and I’m one of them . . . it’s just like Wikipedia. You don’t know who the contributors are behind a Wikipedia page but you know there’s a lot of collaboration and crowdsourcing. Instead of just having a top-down command, we now have a bottom-up command hub which has allowed the movement to last far longer than Umbrella.
“With greater power comes greater responsibility, so the question is how, through my role, can I express the voices of the frontliners, of the street activism? For example, I defended the action of storming into the Legislative Council on July 1. I know I didn’t storm in myself . . . ” His phone pings twice. Finally he succumbs.
After tapping away for about 30 seconds, Wong launches back into our conversation, sounding genuinely sorry that he wasn’t there on the night when protesters destroyed symbols of the Chinese Communist party and briefly occupied the chamber.
“My job is to be the middleman to express, evaluate and reveal what is going on in the Hong Kong protests when the movement is about being faceless,” he says, adding that his Twitter storm of 29 tweets explaining the July 1 occupation reached at least four million people. I admit that I am overcome with exhaustion just scanning his Twitter account, which has more than 400,000 followers. “Well, that thread was actually written by Jeffrey Ngo from Demosisto,” he say, referring to the political activism group that he heads.
A network of Hong Kong activists studying abroad helps fuel his relentless public persona on social media and in the opinion pages of international newspapers. Within a week of his most recent arrest, he had published op-eds in The Economist, The New York Times, Quartz and the Apple Daily.
I wonder out loud if he ever feels overwhelmed at taking on the Chinese Communist party, a task daunting even for some of the world’s most formidable governments and companies. He peers at me over his wire-framed glasses. “It’s our responsibility; if we don’t do it, who will? At least we are not in Xinjiang or Tibet; we are in Hong Kong,” he says, referring to two regions on Chinese soil on the frontline of Beijing’s drive to develop a high-tech surveillance state. In Xinjiang, at least one million people are being held in internment camps. “Even though we’re directly under the rule of Beijing, we have a layer of protection because we’re recognised as a global city so [Beijing] is more hesitant to act.”
I hear the sound of the wok firing up in the kitchen and ask him the question on everyone’s minds in Hong Kong: what happens next? Like many people who are closely following the extraordinary situation in Hong Kong, he is hesitant to make firm predictions.
“Lots of think-tanks around the world say ‘Oh, we’re China experts. We’re born in western countries but we know how to read Chinese so we’re familiar with Chinese politics.’ They predicted the Communist party would collapse after the Tiananmen Square massacre and they’ve kept predicting this over the past three decades but hey, now it’s 2019 and we’re still under the rule of Beijing, ha ha,” he grins.
While we are prophesying, does Wong ever think he might become chief executive one day? “No local journalist in Hong Kong would really ask this question,” he admonishes. As our lunch has progressed, he has become bolder in dissecting my interview technique. The territory’s chief executive is currently selected by a group of 1,200, mostly Beijing loyalists, and he doubts the Chinese Communist party would ever allow him to run. A few weeks after we meet he announces his candidacy in the upcoming district council elections. He was eventually the only candidate disqualified from running — an order that, after our lunch, he tweeted had come from Beijing and was “clearly politically driven”.
We turn to the more ordinary stuff of 23-year-olds’ lives, as Wong slurps the remainder of his milk tea. “Before being jailed, the thing I was most worried about was that I wouldn’t be able to watch Avengers: Endgame,” he says.
“Luckily, it came out around early May so I watched it two weeks before I was locked up in prison.” He has already quoted Spider-Man twice during our lunch. I am unsurprised when Wong picks him as his favourite character.
“I think he’s more . . . ” He pauses, one of the few times in the interview. “Compared to having an unlimited superpower or unlimited power or unlimited talent just like Superman, I think Spider-Man is more human.” With that, our friendly neighbourhood activist dashes off to his next interview.
battle of berlin order of battle 在 作者 Facebook 的最佳解答
最新的陳情書已向88位簽署2019/2732(RSP)香港法案的歐盟議員寄出,美國版亦將處理停當(另加《香港人權及民主法》部分)。以下是內文的範本,大家可以抄下來更改上下款,轉寄給歐美議會以外的官政商界,可按照對象自行加減。一齊去撒種,多種的多收:
Dear (xxxxx),
As you may well be aware of the Hong Kong protest this summer, we are writing in plea for international assistance to monitor Hong Kong’s autonomy status, and to impose sanctions against government officials who have seriously violated Hong Kong democracy and human rights, in the hopes that this would help Hong Kong to achieve universal suffrage.
Despair and mourning have shrouded our city. Over the last three months, at least ten people have lost their lives fighting for our rights and freedom, and the Hong Kong Police Force (HKPF) have arrested over 1200 protesters and they have suffered from the police’s abuse of violence. From many video evidences, we have witnessed how the police would randomly attack and arrest any passerby, and forge false evidences by putting weapons and gas masks into their backpacks.
Presumption of innocence has always been the fundamental principle in Hong Kong’s judicial system. Yet the HKSAR Government and the HKPF have shown otherwise. Citizens would be treated as protesters simply based on the colour of their clothing and ages, not to mention the fact that even if they really were protestors the Police do not have the right to brutally attack and torture them. We believe that many have been wrongfully charged, some of them have had their bails denied. The prosecution relies solely on the evidence that the police provide, yet when the police are so corrupted that they would do anything to bend facts and truths to fit their rhetorics, the right to a fair trial is no longer respected. In order to reinstall the faith of people in Hong Kong’s human rights and the judicial system, the wrongful charges to these innocent people must be revoked.
The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is still trying to fake a peaceful scene before the National Day of the PRC on October 1st, hence Hong Kong has yet been burnt down to ashes despite all the chaos that are happening on a daily basis. However, it can be foreseen that after October 1st, the CCP will relentlessly carry out large-scale political persecutions against Hong Kong people just as how they had purged the Uyghurs. We are under a humanitarian crisis outcry, we are devastated, yet we have not lost hope. We have faith that the democratic countries over the world would not stay out of the situation and watch these with folded arms, we still have faith that the liberal world will come to rescue, protect and liberate the “West Berlin in the 21st century” from the despotic oppression. Hong Kong people are currently collecting evidences of human rights violation by the CCP and HKSAR officials, including HKPF and those pro-Beijing lawmakers, for your reference to see who have been trying to demolish the “One Country, Two Systems” principle.
We believe that this is not just a battle for Hong Kong alone, by helping to defend Hong Kong’s autonomy, democracy, freedom and human rights, this would show the world that these are the values that we all hold dear. Hong Kong look forward to the day when freedom and democracy prevail.
Sincerely,
( )
battle of berlin order of battle 在 translation Youtube 的最讚貼文
#'91年にに光栄が発売した98版からの移植となる戦略SLGでありWWIIゲームシリーズの第2作。第二次世界大戦中のヨーロッパ・北アフリカの戦場を舞台にストーリーは進む。全体シナリオがなく、"大戦略"のような、マップをi面ずつクリアしていくタイプのシステムを持ち、プレイヤーは枢軸軍か連合軍を選び、作戦を立てて軍団全体を動かし自軍を勝利に導くべく行動を繰り返していく。
BGMは大野氏が作曲、国産PC版等のFM音源では手堅い作曲に留まっているが、サントラのアレンジ版では大野氏本人が参加し、まさにルパン三世の世界に染まっている。
編曲:大野雄二氏
Manufacturer: 1991.12.21 Koei
Computer: PC-8801mkIISR series
Sound: YM2203
Arranger: Yuji Ohno
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00:00 01.opening (オープニング)
02:45 02.French electric blast fight (フランス電撃戦)
06:00 03.North African Campaign (北アフリカ戦線)
08:49 04.Germany and Soviet Warfare (独ソ機甲戦)
11:55 05.Invasion of Normandy (ノルマンディ上陸作戦)
14:46 06.Battle of the Bulge (バルジの戦い)
18:12 07.The Battle of Berlin (ベルリン大攻防)
20:59 08.Battle / Attack (戦闘・攻撃)
23:33 09.Battle / Defense (戦闘・防御)
26:41 10.Battle / Victory (戦闘・勝利)
27:34 11.Battle / Defeat (戦闘・敗北)
28:53 12.Scenario defeat (シナリオ敗北)
31:50 13.Scenario Victory (シナリオ勝利)
32:43 14.Ally Air Force Attack (味方空軍の攻撃)
35:24 15.Enemy Air Force Attack (敵空軍の攻撃)
38:02 16.Death of the army's generals (自軍将軍の死)
39:06 17.Romance on the battlefield (戦場のロマンス)
41:43 18.Reinforcement (援軍)
43:44 19.Order from upper level (上層部からの命令)
44:58 20.Pre-winning ending (プレ勝利エンディング)
47:12 21.ending (エンディング)
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battle of berlin order of battle 在 Order of battle for the Battle of Berlin - YouTube 的推薦與評價
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