關於 think twice before you act ，我們在網路上蒐集到這些相關的討論、資訊與評價

Activate your Angelic Hedge of Protection

“Then Satan answered Yahweh, and said, “Does Job fear God for nothing? Haven’t you made a hedge around him, and around his house, and around all that he has, on every side? You have blessed the work of his hands, and his substance is increased in the land.” (Job‬ ‭1:9-10‬ ‭WEB‬‬)

The word “hedge” in Hebrew is “suk” which means to fence up something for protection.

All born-again Christians have a hedge of protection around them, their family and their possessions.
This hedge is not a garden fence, but a troop of angels.

“For he will put his angels in charge of you, to guard you in all your ways. They will bear you up in their hands, so that you won’t dash your foot against a stone.” (Psalms‬ ‭91:11-12‬ ‭WEB‬)

These angels encamping around you and your possessions are authorized to act for your good through prayer—when you pray or another believer prays for you.

Whenever you’re worried or afraid, see this faith picture: there’s angels protecting you.

If you’re worried about your child who commutes to school alone, see angels going with him/her, and pray for protection so that they will be authorized to protect your child whenever necessary.

If you’re concerned about robbers breaking into your home to steal things, see angels guarding your premises at all times, and pray for protection over your property.

The devil knows that there are hedges of protection around you and your possessions, but he wants you to feel defenseless and vulnerable, so that you don’t even have the boldness to pray.

The devil can’t touch anything that’s actively being protected.
Therefore, see the abundance of angels guarding your life and you’ll have faith to pray effectively.

At times, when I accidentally drop heavy item that should have hit my foot, the item closely misses and I’m kept safe.
I believe it’s angels deflecting the item away, so that I won’t “dash my foot against a stone”.
Every night, I pray with my family for God’s angels to keep us in all our ways.

“Or do you think that I couldn’t ask my Father, and he would even now send me more than twelve legions of angels?” (Matthew‬ ‭26:53‬ ‭WEB‬‬)

A Roman legion is a group of about 6000 soldiers, so 12 legions would be 72000 angels.

Before He received our sins upon Himself at the cross, Jesus could have called upon legions of angels at any time to rescue Him and defeat His enemies, but He didn’t use that right—He chose to be defenseless and alone.

He gave up His right to protection so that we could receive the right to pray and enjoy angelic protection at all times.

Before you go out each day, don’t rush out the door.
See angels preparing you go with you, angels staying behind to guard your home, and angels stationed at your investments, properties, loved ones, etc.

Then take a moment to thank Jesus for His protection upon you, your loved ones, your home, and all that you have.
Not out of fear, but out of a consciousness of how loved you are.
You are lavishly protected, beloved child of God!

——

Faith is the way we receive every blessing under the New Covenant of Grace. Faith comes by hearing the Gospel of Jesus Christ.

“God Every Morning” tier and above patrons on Patreon receive daily devotionals by email, all my eBooks, daily teachings via WhatsApp in our GEM Bible Study chat group.
These rewards are for patrons only because they sow into our ministry, enabling us to keep sharing fresh revelations about the Gospel of Jesus Christ at least twice a day to thousands of people.

One of the rewards for patrons includes my new eBook “Messiah’s Miracles—The Power or Having Faith” which teaches about the 37 recorded miracles which Jesus performed. This book was designed to ignite your faith so that you’ll see miracles erupt in your own life.

Become a patron now and you’ll receive valuable rewards to help in your walk with the Lord ==> http://Patreon.com/miltongohblog

#Angels #Jesus

泰晤士報人物專訪【Joshua Wong interview: Xi won’t win this battle, says Hong Kong activist】

Beijing believes punitive prison sentences will put an end to pro-democracy protests. It couldn’t be more wrong, the 23-year-old says.

https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/joshua-wong-interview-xi-wont-win-this-battle-says-hong-kong-activist-p52wlmd0t

For Joshua Wong, activism began early and in his Hong Kong school canteen. The 13-year-old was so appalled by the bland, oily meals served for lunch at the United Christian College that he organised a petition to lobby for better fare. His precocious behaviour earned him and his parents a summons to the headmaster’s office. His mother played peacemaker, but the episode delivered a valuable message to the teenage rebel.

“It was an important lesson in political activism,” Wong concluded. “You can try as hard as you want, but until you force them to pay attention, those in power won’t listen to you.”

It was also the first stage in a remarkable journey that has transformed the bespectacled, geeky child into the globally recognised face of Hong Kong’s struggle for democracy. Wong is the most prominent international advocate for the protests that have convulsed the former British colony since last summer.

At 23, few people would have the material for a memoir. But that is certainly not a problem for Wong, whose book, #UnfreeSpeech, will be published in Britain this week.

We meet in a cafe in the Admiralty district, amid the skyscrapers of Hong Kong’s waterfront, close to the site of the most famous scenes in his decade of protest. Wong explains that he remains optimistic about his home city’s prospects in its showdown with the might of communist China under President Xi Jinping.

“It’s not enough just to be dissidents or youth activists. We really need to enter politics and make some change inside the institution,” says Wong, hinting at his own ambitions to pursue elected office.

He has been jailed twice for his activism. He could face a third stint as a result of a case now going through the courts, a possibility he treats with equanimity. “Others have been given much longer sentences,” he says. Indeed, 7,000 people have been arrested since the protests broke out some seven months ago; 1,000 of them have been charged, with many facing a sentence of as much as 10 years.

There is a widespread belief that Beijing hopes such sentences will dampen support for future protests. Wong brushes off that argument. “It’s gone too far. Who would imagine that Generation Z and the millennials would be confronting rubber bullets and teargas, and be fully engaged in politics, instead of Instagram or Snapchat? The Hong Kong government may claim the worst is over, but Hong Kong will never be peaceful as long as police violence persists.”

In Unfree Speech, Wong argues that China is not only Hong Kong’s problem (the book’s subtitle is: The Threat to Global Democracy and Why We Must Act, Now). “It is an urgent message that people need to defend their rights, against China and other authoritarians, wherever they live,” he says.

At the heart of the book are Wong’s prison writings from a summer spent behind bars in 2017. Each evening in his cell, “I sat on my hard bed and put pen to paper under dim light” to tell his story.

Wong was born in October 1996, nine months before Britain ceded control of Hong Kong to Beijing. That makes him a fire rat, the same sign of the Chinese zodiac that was celebrated on the first day of the lunar new year yesterday. Fire rats are held to be adventurous, rebellious and garrulous. Wong is a Christian and does not believe in astrology, but those personality traits seem close to the mark.

His parents are Christians — his father quit his job in IT to become a pastor, while his mother works at a community centre that provides counselling — and named their son after the prophet who led the Israelites to the promised land.

Like many young people in Hong Kong, whose housing market has been ranked as the world’s most unaffordable, he still lives at home, in South Horizons, a commuter community on the south side of the main island.

Wong was a dyslexic but talkative child, telling jokes in church groups and bombarding his elders with questions about their faith. “By speaking confidently, I was able to make up for my weaknesses,” he writes. “The microphone loved me and I loved it even more.”

In 2011, he and a group of friends, some of whom are his fellow activists today, launched Scholarism, a student activist group, to oppose the introduction of “moral and national education” to their school curriculum — code for communist brainwashing, critics believed. “I lived the life of Peter Parker,” he says. “Like Spider-Man’s alter-ego, I went to class during the day and rushed out to fight evil after school.”

The next year, the authorities issued a teaching manual that hailed the Chinese Communist Party as an “advanced and selfless regime”. For Wong, “it confirmed all our suspicions and fears about communist propaganda”.

In August 2012, members of Scholarism launched an occupation protest outside the Hong Kong government’s headquarters. Wong told a crowd of 120,000 students and parents: “Tonight we have one message and one message only: withdraw the brainwashing curriculum. We’ve had enough of this government. Hong Kongers will prevail.”

Remarkably, the kids won. Leung Chun-ying, the territory’s chief executive at the time, backed down. Buoyed by their success, the youngsters of Scholarism joined forces with other civil rights groups to protest about the lack of progress towards electing the next chief executive by universal suffrage — laid out as a goal in the Basic Law, Hong Kong’s constitution. Their protests culminated in the “umbrella movement” occupation of central Hong Kong for 79 days in 2014.

Two years later, Wong and other leaders set up a political group, Demosisto. He has always been at pains to emphasise he is not calling for independence — a complete red line for Beijing. Demosisto has even dropped the words “self-determination” from its stated goals — perhaps to ease prospects for its candidates in elections to Legco, the territory’s legislative council, in September.

Wong won’t say whether he will stand himself, but he is emphatically political, making a plea for change from within — not simply for anger on the streets — and for stepping up international pressure: “I am one of the facilitators to let the voices of Hong Kong people be heard in the international community, especially since 2016.”

There are tensions between moderates and radicals. Some of the hardliners on the streets last year considered Wong already to be part of the Establishment, a backer of the failed protests of the past.

So why bother? What’s the point of a city of seven million taking on one of the world’s nastiest authoritarian states, with a population of about 1.4 billion? And in any case, won’t it all be over in 2047, the end of the “one country, two systems” deal agreed between China and Britain, which was supposed to guarantee a high degree of autonomy for another 50 years? Does he fear tanks and a repetition of the Tiananmen Square killings?

Wong acknowledges there are gloomy scenarios but remains a robust optimist. “Freedom and democracy can prevail in the same way that they did in eastern Europe, even though before the Berlin Wall fell, few people believed it would happen.”

He is tired of the predictions of think-tank pundits, journalists and the like. Three decades ago, with the implosion of communism in the Soviet bloc, many were confidently saying that the demise of the people’s republic was only a matter of time. Jump forward 20 years, amid the enthusiasm after the Beijing Olympics, and they were predicting market reforms and a growing middle class would presage liberalisation.

Neither scenario has unfolded, Wong notes. “They are pretending to hold the crystal ball to predict the future, but look at their record and it is clear no one knows what will happen by 2047. Will the Communist Party even still exist?”

https://www.penguin.co.uk/books/111/1119445/unfree-speech

【《金融時報》深度長訪】

今年做過數百外媒訪問，若要說最能反映我思緒和想法的訪問，必然是《金融時報》的這一個，沒有之一。

在排山倒海的訪問裡，這位記者能在短短個半小時裡，刻畫得如此傳神，值得睇。

Joshua Wong plonks himself down on a plastic stool across from me. He is there for barely 10 seconds before he leaps up to greet two former high school classmates in the lunchtime tea house melee. He says hi and bye and then bounds back. Once again I am facing the young man in a black Chinese collared shirt and tan shorts who is proving such a headache for the authorities in Beijing.

So far, it’s been a fairly standard week for Wong. On a break from a globe-trotting, pro-democracy lobbying tour, he was grabbed off the streets of Hong Kong and bundled into a minivan. After being arrested, he appeared on the front pages of the world’s newspapers and was labelled a “traitor” by China’s foreign ministry.

He is very apologetic about being late for lunch.

Little about Wong, the face of Hong Kong’s democracy movement, can be described as ordinary: neither his Nobel Peace Prize nomination, nor his three stints in prison. Five years ago, his face was plastered on the cover of Time magazine; in 2017, he was the subject of a hit Netflix documentary, Joshua: Teenager vs Superpower. And he’s only 23.

We’re sitting inside a Cantonese teahouse in the narrow back streets near Hong Kong’s parliament, where he works for a pro-democracy lawmaker. It’s one of the most socially diverse parts of the city and has been at the heart of five months of unrest, which has turned into a battle for Hong Kong’s future. A few weekends earlier I covered clashes nearby as protesters threw Molotov cocktails at police, who fired back tear gas. Drunk expats looked on, as tourists rushed by dragging suitcases.

The lunch crowd pours into the fast-food joint, milling around as staff set up collapsible tables on the pavement. Construction workers sit side-by-side with men sweating in suits, chopsticks in one hand, phones in the other. I scan the menu: instant noodles with fried egg and luncheon meat, deep fried pork chops, beef brisket with radish. Wong barely glances at it before selecting the hometown fried rice and milk tea, a Hong Kong speciality with British colonial roots, made with black tea and evaporated or condensed milk.

“I always order this,” he beams, “I love this place, it’s the only Cantonese teahouse in the area that does cheap, high-quality milk tea.” I take my cue and settle for the veggie and egg fried rice and a lemon iced tea as the man sitting on the next table reaches over to shake Wong’s hand. Another pats him on the shoulder as he brushes by to pay the bill.

Wong has been a recognisable face in this city since he was 14, when he fought against a proposal from the Hong Kong government to introduce a national education curriculum that would teach that Chinese Communist party rule was “superior” to western-style democracy. The government eventually backed down after more than 100,000 people took to the streets. Two years later, Wong rose to global prominence when he became the poster boy for the Umbrella Movement, in which tens of thousands of students occupied central Hong Kong for 79 days to demand genuine universal suffrage.

That movement ended in failure. Many of its leaders were sent to jail, among them Wong. But the seeds of activism were planted in the generation of Hong Kongers who are now back on the streets, fighting for democracy against the world’s most powerful authoritarian state. The latest turmoil was sparked by a controversial extradition bill but has evolved into demands for true suffrage and a showdown with Beijing over the future of Hong Kong. The unrest in the former British colony, which was handed over to China in 1997, represents the biggest uprising on Chinese soil since the 1989 pro-democracy movement in Beijing. Its climax, of course, was the Tiananmen Square massacre, when hundreds, perhaps thousands, of people were killed.

“We learnt a lot of lessons from the Umbrella Movement: how to deal with conflict between the more moderate and progressive camps, how to be more organic, how to be less hesitant,” says Wong. “Five years ago the pro-democracy camp was far more cautious about seeking international support because they were afraid of pissing off Beijing.”

Wong doesn’t appear to be afraid of irking China. Over the past few months, he has lobbied on behalf of the Hong Kong protesters to governments around the world. In the US, he testified before Congress and urged lawmakers to pass an act in support of the Hong Kong protesters — subsequently approved by the House of Representatives with strong bipartisan support. In Germany, he made headlines when he suggested two baby pandas in the Berlin Zoo be named “Democracy” and “Freedom.” He has been previously barred from entering Malaysia and Thailand due to pressure from Beijing, and a Singaporean social worker was recently convicted and fined for organising an event at which Wong spoke via Skype.

The food arrives almost immediately. I struggle to tell our orders apart. Two mouthfuls into my egg and cabbage fried rice, I regret not ordering the instant noodles with luncheon meat.

In August, a Hong Kong newspaper controlled by the Chinese Communist party published a photo of Julie Eadeh, an American diplomat, meeting pro-democracy student leaders including Wong. The headline accused “foreign forces” of igniting a revolution in Hong Kong. “Beijing says I was trained by the CIA and the US marines and I am a CIA agent. [I find it] quite boring because they have made up these kinds of rumours for seven years [now],” he says, ignoring his incessantly pinging phone.

Another thing that bores him? The media. Although Wong’s messaging is always on point, his appraisal of journalists in response to my questions is piercing and cheeky. “In 15-minute interviews I know journalists just need soundbites that I’ve repeated lots of times before. So I’ll say things like ‘I have no hope [as regards] the regime but I have hope towards the people.’ Then the journalists will say ‘oh that’s so impressive!’ And I’ll say ‘yes, I’m a poet.’ ”

And what about this choice of restaurant? “Well, I knew I couldn’t pick a five-star hotel, even though the Financial Times is paying and I know you can afford it,” he says grinning. “It’s better to do this kind of interview in a Hong Kong-style restaurant. This is the place that I conducted my first interview after I left prison.” Wong has spent around 120 days in prison in total, including on charges of unlawful assembly.

“My fellow prisoners would tell me about how they joined the Umbrella Movement and how they agreed with our beliefs. I think prisoners are more aware of the importance of human rights,” he says, adding that even the prison wardens would share with him how they had joined protests.

“Even the triad members in prison support democracy. They complain how the tax on cigarettes is extremely high and the tax on red wine is extremely low; it just shows how the upper-class elite lives here,” he says, as a waiter strains to hear our conversation. Wong was most recently released from jail in June, the day after the largest protests in the history of Hong Kong, when an estimated 2m people — more than a quarter of the territory’s 7.5m population — took to the streets.

Raised in a deeply religious family, he used to travel to mainland China every two years with his family and church literally to spread the gospel. As with many Hong Kong Chinese who trace their roots to the mainland, he doesn’t know where his ancestral village is. His lasting memory of his trips across the border is of dirty toilets, he tells me, mid-bite. He turned to activism when he realised praying didn’t help much.

“The gift from God is to have independence of mind and critical thinking; to have our own will and to make our own personal judgments. I don’t link my religious beliefs with my political judgments. Even Carrie Lam is Catholic,” he trails off, in a reference to Hong Kong’s leader. Lam has the lowest approval rating of any chief executive in the history of the city, thanks to her botched handling of the crisis.

I ask whether Wong’s father, who is also involved in social activism, has been a big influence. Wrong question.

“The western media loves to frame Joshua Wong joining the fight because of reading the books of Nelson Mandela or Martin Luther King or because of how my parents raised me. In reality, I joined street activism not because of anyone book I read. Why do journalists always assume anyone who strives for a better society has a role model?” He glances down at his pinging phone and draws a breath, before continuing. “Can you really describe my dad as an activist? I support LGBTQ rights,” he says, with a fist pump. His father, Roger Wong, is a well-known anti-gay rights campaigner in Hong Kong.

I notice he has put down his spoon, with half a plate of fried rice untouched. I decide it would be a good idea to redirect our conversation by bonding over phone addictions. Wong, renowned for his laser focus and determination, replies to my emails and messages at all hours and has been described by his friends as “a robot.”

He scrolls through his Gmail, his inbox filled with unread emails, showing me how he categorises interview requests with country tags. His life is almost solely dedicated to activism. “My friends and I used to go to watch movies and play laser tag but now of course we don’t have time to play any more: we face real bullets every weekend.”

The protests — which have seen more than 3,300 people arrested — have been largely leaderless. “Do you ever question your relevance to the movement?” I venture, mid-spoonful of congealed fried rice.

“Never,” he replies with his mouth full. “We have a lot of facilitators in this movement and I’m one of them . . . it’s just like Wikipedia. You don’t know who the contributors are behind a Wikipedia page but you know there’s a lot of collaboration and crowdsourcing. Instead of just having a top-down command, we now have a bottom-up command hub which has allowed the movement to last far longer than Umbrella.

“With greater power comes greater responsibility, so the question is how, through my role, can I express the voices of the frontliners, of the street activism? For example, I defended the action of storming into the Legislative Council on July 1. I know I didn’t storm in myself . . . ” His phone pings twice. Finally he succumbs.

After tapping away for about 30 seconds, Wong launches back into our conversation, sounding genuinely sorry that he wasn’t there on the night when protesters destroyed symbols of the Chinese Communist party and briefly occupied the chamber.

“My job is to be the middleman to express, evaluate and reveal what is going on in the Hong Kong protests when the movement is about being faceless,” he says, adding that his Twitter storm of 29 tweets explaining the July 1 occupation reached at least four million people. I admit that I am overcome with exhaustion just scanning his Twitter account, which has more than 400,000 followers. “Well, that thread was actually written by Jeffrey Ngo from Demosisto,” he say, referring to the political activism group that he heads.

A network of Hong Kong activists studying abroad helps fuel his relentless public persona on social media and in the opinion pages of international newspapers. Within a week of his most recent arrest, he had published op-eds in The Economist, The New York Times, Quartz and the Apple Daily.

I wonder out loud if he ever feels overwhelmed at taking on the Chinese Communist party, a task daunting even for some of the world’s most formidable governments and companies. He peers at me over his wire-framed glasses. “It’s our responsibility; if we don’t do it, who will? At least we are not in Xinjiang or Tibet; we are in Hong Kong,” he says, referring to two regions on Chinese soil on the frontline of Beijing’s drive to develop a high-tech surveillance state. In Xinjiang, at least one million people are being held in internment camps. “Even though we’re directly under the rule of Beijing, we have a layer of protection because we’re recognised as a global city so [Beijing] is more hesitant to act.”

I hear the sound of the wok firing up in the kitchen and ask him the question on everyone’s minds in Hong Kong: what happens next? Like many people who are closely following the extraordinary situation in Hong Kong, he is hesitant to make firm predictions.

“Lots of think-tanks around the world say ‘Oh, we’re China experts. We’re born in western countries but we know how to read Chinese so we’re familiar with Chinese politics.’ They predicted the Communist party would collapse after the Tiananmen Square massacre and they’ve kept predicting this over the past three decades but hey, now it’s 2019 and we’re still under the rule of Beijing, ha ha,” he grins.

While we are prophesying, does Wong ever think he might become chief executive one day? “No local journalist in Hong Kong would really ask this question,” he admonishes. As our lunch has progressed, he has become bolder in dissecting my interview technique. The territory’s chief executive is currently selected by a group of 1,200, mostly Beijing loyalists, and he doubts the Chinese Communist party would ever allow him to run. A few weeks after we meet he announces his candidacy in the upcoming district council elections. He was eventually the only candidate disqualified from running — an order that, after our lunch, he tweeted had come from Beijing and was “clearly politically driven”.

We turn to the more ordinary stuff of 23-year-olds’ lives, as Wong slurps the remainder of his milk tea. “Before being jailed, the thing I was most worried about was that I wouldn’t be able to watch Avengers: Endgame,” he says.

“Luckily, it came out around early May so I watched it two weeks before I was locked up in prison.” He has already quoted Spider-Man twice during our lunch. I am unsurprised when Wong picks him as his favourite character.

“I think he’s more . . . ” He pauses, one of the few times in the interview. “Compared to having an unlimited superpower or unlimited power or unlimited talent just like Superman, I think Spider-Man is more human.” With that, our friendly neighbourhood activist dashes off to his next interview.

完整版MV ：► https://youtu.be/bCPutQAf2PM
乾我什麼事的舞蹈版終於出爐了!!!!!!
趁演唱會之前趕快學起來
希望看到大家的COVER~

KKBOX：► https://reurl.cc/R1yxN6
Spotify：►https://spoti.fi/32Vkf9F
Apple Music：► https://apple.co/3kGAgGG
MyMusic：► https://reurl.cc/0OZ7AA
friDay：► https://bit.ly/3kHpYG9
LINE MUSIC：► https://bit.ly/2G8L4yb
网易云音乐：https://music.163.com/#/album?id=9557...
虾米音乐：https://www.xiami.com/album/1tvHWLa11c9
QQ音乐：https://y.qq.com/n/yqq/album/004acsNZ...
酷狗音乐：https://www.kugou.com/yy/album/single...
荔枝fm：https://www.lizhi.fm/24902961/5135422...
喜马拉雅：https://ximalaya.com/undefined/album/42095559
蜻蜓fm：http://share.qingting.fm/vchannels/37...
懒人听书：https://a.lrts.me/album/myProgram/418154


．Song Lyrics．
詞曲：田亞霍
編曲：秦瀚(秦天)

誰又質疑我 只因我跟你有所不同
Who’s doubting me for being who I am
沒錯 刺激我 只會讓我變得更加出眾
You can irritate me but I only become stronger

你們就儘管笑
Sure, keep mocking me
你們不過是些半調子
Cuz you’re just a bunch of dabblers
掌聲為我環繞
I’m surrounded by applauses
男孩們都為我尖叫
And all the boys are screaming for me

I’m your queen 讓你記得
I’m your queen, just letting you know
我的魅力有多麽的迷人
I’m attractive and that’s the truth
被你依賴 受你期待
I’m being relied upon
我的存在 從來沒有人能頂替的
So no one can replace me

I’m your queen 別調皮了
I’m your queen, stop fooling around
那些廢話鬼才想聽呢
No one cares about that nonsense
想把我打倒 別逗我發笑
You said that you want to beat me
用點大腦到底是誰給你信心的
You better think twice before you act

誰又對我說三道四 乾我什麼事
Whatever they say, it’s not my business

I am who I am
I don’t fuckin’ care
How dare you ruin my name
I don’t fuckin’ care

I am who I am
I don’t fuckin’ care
How dare you ruin my name
I don’t fuckin’ care

臣服我的高跟鞋
Bow down before me
誠如你說的我超正點
I’m so hot that you can’t resist
真是討人厭 處處遭人羨
Everyone is jealous about me
我就是完美 跟你道個歉
I’m sorry, but I’m just perfect

沒本領的人鬧笑話
Stop trolling if you got nothing
沒本事的人靠叫罵
Stop trash talking unless you’re something
我才色兼具 待人謙虛
Everyone says I’m pretty and talented
腳趾還請你笑納
That’s a fact so just show me your affection

I’m so perfect
不去模仿誰 不去討好誰
I’m not a copy cat or a people pleaser
不做長輩眼中的爛草莓
And definitely not an entitled person
I’m so perfect
I’m so perfect
誰讓我狼狽 誰讓我憔悴
Who’s embarrassing me and degrading me
誰對我不利 又被誰消費
Who’s stabbing me in the back
I’m so perfect
I am who I am
I don’t fuckin’ care
How dare you ruin my name
I don’t fuckin’ care

I am who I am
I don’t fuckin' care
How dare you ruin my name
I don’t fuckin’ care

CLAP CLAP 把你的雙手舉起來
CLAP CLAP Put your hands up
Now WALK WALK WALK
All the Bitches follow me

Shake Shake Shake Shake
Hip Hip Hip Hip
Pose Pose Pose Pose
Everybody eyes on me

I am who I am
I don’t fuckin’ care
How dare you ruin my name
I don’t fuckin’ care

I am who I am
I don’t fuckin care
How dare you ruin my name
I don’t fuckin’ care

.
導演 : Doz
編舞: Andy Hsu 徐聖展
舞者:
陳亞棣
張偉權
鄭珺騰
FUFU
HUGO
JOSH
場地: The 2yc Penthouse

#乾我什麼事 #賴晏駒 #1219演唱會

賴晏駒 -小賴Lai【乾我什麼事 Not my business】Official Music Video

KKBOX：► https://reurl.cc/R1yxN6
Spotify：►https://spoti.fi/32Vkf9F
Apple Music：► https://apple.co/3kGAgGG
MyMusic：► https://reurl.cc/0OZ7AA
friDay：► https://bit.ly/3kHpYG9
LINE MUSIC：► https://bit.ly/2G8L4yb
网易云音乐：https://music.163.com/#/album?id=95570468
虾米音乐：https://www.xiami.com/album/1tvHWLa11c9
QQ音乐：https://y.qq.com/n/yqq/album/004acsNZ2mw9Mv.html
酷狗音乐：https://www.kugou.com/yy/album/single/39300747.html
荔枝fm：https://www.lizhi.fm/24902961/5135422690701779974
喜马拉雅：https://ximalaya.com/undefined/album/42095559
蜻蜓fm：http://share.qingting.fm/vchannels/376078
懒人听书：https://a.lrts.me/album/myProgram/418154

面對酸民文化
一定要拿出:『乾我什麼事』的人生態度
不要活在別人的言語下
活得漂亮 就是最好的回擊
.
這次也邀請到蔡依林的舞蹈總監 Andy 編排這首舞蹈
為賴晏駒-小賴 量身打造
創造一波最新的同志舞曲
.

．Song Lyrics．
詞曲：田亞霍
編曲：秦瀚(秦天)

誰又質疑我 只因我跟你有所不同
Who’s doubting me for being who I am
沒錯 刺激我 只會讓我變得更加出眾
You can irritate me but I only become stronger

你們就儘管笑
Sure, keep mocking me
你們不過是些半調子
Cuz you’re just a bunch of dabblers
掌聲為我環繞
I’m surrounded by applauses
男孩們都為我尖叫
And all the boys are screaming for me

I’m your queen 讓你記得
I’m your queen, just letting you know
我的魅力有多麽的迷人
I’m attractive and that’s the truth
被你依賴 受你期待
I’m being relied upon
我的存在 從來沒有人能頂替的
So no one can replace me

I’m your queen 別調皮了
I’m your queen, stop fooling around
那些廢話鬼才想聽呢
No one cares about that nonsense
想把我打倒 別逗我發笑
You said that you want to beat me
用點大腦到底是誰給你信心的
You better think twice before you act

誰又對我說三道四 乾我什麼事
Whatever they say, it’s not my business

I am who I am
I don’t fuckin’ care
How dare you ruin my name
I don’t fuckin’ care

I am who I am
I don’t fuckin’ care
How dare you ruin my name
I don’t fuckin’ care

臣服我的高跟鞋
Bow down before me
誠如你說的我超正點
I’m so hot that you can’t resist
真是討人厭 處處遭人羨
Everyone is jealous about me
我就是完美 跟你道個歉
I’m sorry, but I’m just perfect

沒本領的人鬧笑話
Stop trolling if you got nothing
沒本事的人靠叫罵
Stop trash talking unless you’re something
我才色兼具 待人謙虛
Everyone says I’m pretty and talented
腳趾還請你笑納
That’s a fact so just show me your affection

I’m so perfect
不去模仿誰 不去討好誰
I’m not a copy cat or a people pleaser
不做長輩眼中的爛草莓
And definitely not an entitled person
I’m so perfect
I’m so perfect
誰讓我狼狽 誰讓我憔悴
Who’s embarrassing me and degrading me
誰對我不利 又被誰消費
Who’s stabbing me in the back
I’m so perfect
I am who I am
I don’t fuckin’ care
How dare you ruin my name
I don’t fuckin’ care

I am who I am
I don’t fuckin' care
How dare you ruin my name
I don’t fuckin’ care

CLAP CLAP 把你的雙手舉起來
CLAP CLAP Put your hands up
Now WALK WALK WALK
All the Bitches follow me

Shake Shake Shake Shake
Hip Hip Hip Hip
Pose Pose Pose Pose
Everybody eyes on me

I am who I am
I don’t fuckin’ care
How dare you ruin my name
I don’t fuckin’ care

I am who I am
I don’t fuckin care
How dare you ruin my name
I don’t fuckin’ care


・Song Credit・
作詞 田亞霍
作曲 田亞霍
製作人 田亞霍
和聲編寫 田亞霍
和聲 田亞霍,賴晏駒 小賴
錄音師 田亞霍
混音師 Wayson.H@Chill Entertainment
母帶製作室 W.S. Studio
OP/SP
大鵬傳播事業股份有限公司/豐華音樂經紀股份有限公司 Forward Music Publishing Co., Ltd.
.

影像製作 : 柒柒娛樂影像製作
監製：張佑維
導演 : 蘇尚珄
攝影師 : 莊竣瑋
攝影助理 : 余書豪
攝影二助：尤崇瑋/劉得生/張家瑜
燈光師 : 許鈞筌
燈光助理 : 王彥傑/蔡明釵/羅煒
製片 : 張昱瑩
執行製片 : 魏庸/郭沛鑫
美術 : 唐雅君
美術助理 : 何昭樺/洪鈺柔
剪接 : 蘇尚珄
調色 : 時間軸影像製作 蘇佩
.

編舞：徐聖展 Andy
Dancers：
鐘義智(Josh)/莫天昀/湯弘宇(Hugo)
黃長福(FuFu)/陳亞棣/鄭珺騰(杰恩)
.

造型團隊
化妝: 吳阿志
造型: 賴晏駒
頭髮: Tim 提姆
攝影: JAY /Angus
特別感謝: 王思佳/黃小愛/Chris
字體設計：川人設計


#賴晏駒 #小賴 #乾我什麼事