過去十年,自閉症越來越為人所知。自閉症的盛行率在短短的十年期間增加了1.5倍。然而這並不表示越來越多孩童「得到」自閉症,許多專家將之歸因於診斷標準的改變跟確診率的提高。
隨著這個診斷的普及,越來越多小孩被懷疑是自閉兒。只要孩子感覺起來”怪怪的”,就會有人說「你最好帶你的孩子給醫師看看是不是自閉症」。過去一個月我在兒童發展專科看了無數個被轉介來”rule out autism”的孩童,其中甚至有許多是”re-referral”(再次轉介)的案例。明明一年前我們已經作過interview、各種量表排除自閉症了,但因為老師、親戚一直說「他真的很像自閉症,你再去給專科醫師看看吧」,無奈又帶小孩來看的家長。
這三、四十個被懷疑是自閉症的孩童中,#只有一個 最後確診為自閉症。
有些我們走進去前就知道不是自閉症(學校已作過完整評估,分數分布看起來更像global developmental delay 發展遲緩); 有些一走進去就知道不是自閉症(pretend play, symbolic play, joint attention, seeking comfort)。一個被說只有minimal eye contact的四歲小女孩。經過觀察發現她不是真的沒有eye contact,而是過動導致沒有”sustained eye contact” (持續注視)的能力。她是太忙沒有時間看你。一個不斷被老師說有自閉症、二次轉介來的六歲男童,最後的診斷是selective mutism (選擇性沉默症)。這個孩子有嚴重的社交恐懼,在學校幾乎一言不發,很難管教。在家卻跟一般孩子沒啥差別。
許多人看到小孩沒有什麼eye contact或是有stereotyped behaviors (像是墊腳走路tip toeing、甩手hand-flapping、撞頭head-banging)、repetitive behaviors(像是喜歡排東西等),就懷疑人家有自閉症。簡直是看到黑影就開槍。的確,這些行為在自閉症孩童上很常見,但並不是有這些行為的就是自閉症。
最常被誤認為自閉症的診斷如下:
發展遲緩/智能障礙Developmental Delay/Intellectual Disability
語言障礙 Speech/Language Disorder
選擇性沉默 Selective Mutism
聽力障礙Hearing Impairment
其他精神疾病像是憂鬱、社交恐懼等有時也會被誤認。
這些鑑別診斷中以發展遲緩/智能障礙最常見。發展遲緩/智能障礙導致的溝通問題、社交問題、行為問題,都有可能只是心智尚未成熟出現的狀況,而非真的自閉。
貼標籤很容易,擺脫刻板印象很困難。遇到難搞的人就說人家是psych(精神病)、遇到不好管教的小孩就說他有ADHD、看到”怪怪的”小孩就懷疑他是不是有自閉症。還有精神科醫師會”隔空診斷”,在媒體前分析公眾人物的心理狀態,更令人匪夷所思。當我們隨口說出這些疾病名稱,是不是應好好想想我們對這些疾病了解有多少。又,這些標籤會對別人生活造成多大的影響。
同時也有3部Youtube影片,追蹤數超過8,030的網紅Angela Charlotte Cheng,也在其Youtube影片中提到,希望我的故事有給你們啟發,變得更自信。以下是影片中提到的自信撇步: 1. 滿足自我需求 ? 深呼吸呼吸, 問現在感覺如何? ?我要怎麼照顧這個情緒? 2. 面對弱點和絆腳石(可能是過去的經驗造成的) ? 寫下來並找解決方法 ? 問自己如果我不怕我會做什麼?衝一個吧! 3. 接收我給你愛的鼓勵吧!...
「speech disorder」的推薦目錄:
- 關於speech disorder 在 美國小兒科醫師 Peddy Facebook 的最讚貼文
- 關於speech disorder 在 護台胖犬 劉仕傑 Facebook 的精選貼文
- 關於speech disorder 在 當張仲景遇上史丹佛 Facebook 的最讚貼文
- 關於speech disorder 在 Angela Charlotte Cheng Youtube 的最佳貼文
- 關於speech disorder 在 POPA Channel Youtube 的最佳貼文
- 關於speech disorder 在 [email protected] Youtube 的最佳解答
- 關於speech disorder 在 What is a Speech Disorder? (Apraxia of Speech and Dysarthria) 的評價
speech disorder 在 護台胖犬 劉仕傑 Facebook 的精選貼文
【 黎安友專文 l 中國如何看待香港危機 】
美國哥倫比亞大學的資深中國通黎安友(Andrew Nathan)教授最近在《外交事務》(Foreign Affairs)雜誌的專文,值得一看。
黎安友是台灣許多中國研究學者的前輩級老師,小英總統去哥大演講時,正是他積極促成。小英在美國的僑宴,黎安友也是座上賓。
這篇文章的標題是:「中國如何看待香港危機:北京自我克制背後的真正原因」。
文章很長,而且用英文寫,需要花點時間閱讀。大家有空可以看看。
Andrew這篇文章的立論基礎,是來自北京核心圈的匿名說法。以他在學術界的地位,我相信他對消息來源已經做了足夠的事實查核或確認。
這篇文章,是在回答一個疑問:中共為何在香港事件如此自制?有人說是怕西方譴責,有人說是怕損害香港的金融地位。
都不是。這篇文章認為,上述兩者都不是中共的真實顧慮。
無論你多痛恨中共,你都必須真實面對你的敵人。
中共是搞經濟階級鬥爭起家的,當年用階級鬥爭打敗國民黨。而現在,中共正用這樣的思維處理香港議題。
文章有一句話:“China’s response has been rooted not in anxiety but in confidence.” 這句話道盡階級鬥爭的精髓。
中共一點都不焦慮。相反地,中共很有自信,香港的菁英階級及既得利益的收編群體,到最後會支持中共。
這個分化的心理基礎,來自經濟上的利益。
文中還提到,鄧小平當年給香港五十年的一國兩制,就是為了「給香港足夠的時間適應中共的政治系統」。
1997年,香港的GDP佔中國的18%。2018年,這個比例降到2.8%。
今日的香港經濟,在中共的評估,是香港需要中國,而不是中國需要香港。
中共正在在意的,是香港的高房價問題。香港的房價,在過去十年內三倍翻漲。
文章是這樣描述:
“Housing prices have tripled over the past decade; today, the median price of a house is more than 20 times the median gross annual household income. The median rent has increased by nearly 25 percent in the past six years. As many as 250,000 people are waiting for public housing. At the same time, income growth for many Hong Kong residents has fallen below the overall increase in cost of living.”
無論你同不同意這些說法,都請你試圖客觀地看看這篇文章。
有趣的是,黎安友在文章中部分論點引述了他的消息來源(但他並沒有加上個人評論),部分是他自己的觀察。
#護台胖犬劉仕傑
Instagram: old_dog_chasing_ball
新書:《 我在外交部工作 》
**
黎安友原文:
https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/china/2019-09-30/how-china-sees-hong-kong-crisis?fbclid=IwAR2PwHns5gWrw0fT0sa5LuO8zgv4PhLmkYfegtBgoOMCD3WJFI3w5NTe0S4
How China Sees the Hong Kong Crisis
The Real Reasons Behind Beijing’s Restraint
By Andrew J. Nathan September 30, 2019
Massive and sometimes violent protests have rocked Hong Kong for over 100 days. Demonstrators have put forward five demands, of which the most radical is a call for free, direct elections of Hong Kong’s chief executive and all members of the territory’s legislature: in other words, a fully democratic system of local rule, one not controlled by Beijing. As this brazen challenge to Chinese sovereignty has played out, Beijing has made a show of amassing paramilitary forces just across the border in Shenzhen. So far, however, China has not deployed force to quell the unrest and top Chinese leaders have refrained from making public threats to do so.
Western observers who remember the violent crackdown on pro-democracy demonstrators in Tiananmen Square 30 years ago have been puzzled by Beijing’s forbearance. Some have attributed Beijing’s restraint to a fear of Western condemnation if China uses force. Others have pointed to Beijing’s concern that a crackdown would damage Hong Kong’s role as a financial center for China.
But according to two Chinese scholars who have connections to regime insiders and who requested anonymity to discuss the thinking of policymakers in Beijing, China’s response has been rooted not in anxiety but in confidence. Beijing is convinced that Hong Kong’s elites and a substantial part of the public do not support the demonstrators and that what truly ails the territory are economic problems rather than political ones—in particular, a combination of stagnant incomes and rising rents. Beijing also believes that, despite the appearance of disorder, its grip on Hong Kong society remains firm. The Chinese Communist Party has long cultivated the territory’s business elites (the so-called tycoons) by offering them favorable economic access to the mainland. The party also maintains a long-standing loyal cadre of underground members in the territory. And China has forged ties with the Hong Kong labor movement and some sections of its criminal underground. Finally, Beijing believes that many ordinary citizens are fearful of change and tired of the disruption caused by the demonstrations.
Beijing therefore thinks that its local allies will stand firm and that the demonstrations will gradually lose public support and eventually die out. As the demonstrations shrink, some frustrated activists will engage in further violence, and that in turn will accelerate the movement’s decline. Meanwhile, Beijing is turning its attention to economic development projects that it believes will address some of the underlying grievances that led many people to take to the streets in the first place.
This view of the situation is held by those at the very top of the regime in Beijing, as evidenced by recent remarks made by Chinese President Xi Jinping, some of which have not been previously reported. In a speech Xi delivered in early September to a new class of rising political stars at the Central Party School in Beijing, he rejected the suggestion of some officials that China should declare a state of emergency in Hong Kong and send in the People’s Liberation Army. “That would be going down a political road of no return,” Xi said. “The central government will exercise the most patience and restraint and allow the [regional government] and the local police force to resolve the crisis.” In separate remarks that Xi made around the same time, he spelled out what he sees as the proper way to proceed: “Economic development is the only golden key to resolving all sorts of problems facing Hong Kong today.”
ONE COUNTRY, TWO SYSTEMS, MANY QUESTIONS
Chinese decision-makers are hardly surprised that Hong Kong is chafing under their rule. Beijing believes it has treated Hong Kong with a light hand and has supported the territory’s economy in many ways, especially by granting it special access to the mainland’s stocks and currency markets, exempting it from the taxes and fees that other Chinese provinces and municipalities pay the central government, and guaranteeing a reliable supply of water, electricity, gas, and food. Even so, Beijing considers disaffection among Hong Kong’s residents a natural outgrowth of the territory’s colonial British past and also a result of the continuing influence of Western values. Indeed, during the 1984 negotiations between China and the United Kingdom over Hong Kong’s future, the Chinese leader Deng Xiaoping suggested following the approach of “one country, two systems” for 50 years precisely to give people in Hong Kong plenty of time to get used to the Chinese political system.
But “one country, two systems” was never intended to result in Hong Kong spinning out of China’s control. Under the Basic Law that China crafted as Hong Kong’s “mini-constitution,” Beijing retained the right to prevent any challenge to what it considered its core security interests. The law empowered Beijing to determine if and when Hong Kongers could directly elect the territory’s leadership, allowed Beijing to veto laws passed by the Hong Kong Legislative Council, and granted China the right to make final interpretations of the Basic Law. And there would be no question about who had a monopoly of force. During the negotiations with the United Kingdom, Deng publicly rebuked a top Chinese defense official—General Geng Biao, who at the time was a patron of a rising young official named Xi Jinping—for suggesting that there might not be any need to put troops in Hong Kong. Deng insisted that a Chinese garrison was necessary to symbolize Chinese sovereignty.
Statements made by U.S. politicians in support of the recent demonstrations only confirm Beijing’s belief that Washington seeks to inflame radical sentiments in Hong Kong.
At first, Hong Kongers seemed to accept their new role as citizens of a rising China. In 1997, in a tracking poll of Hong Kong residents regularly conducted by researchers at the University of Hong Kong, 47 percent of respondents identified themselves as “proud” citizens of China. But things went downhill from there. In 2012, the Hong Kong government tried to introduce “patriotic education” in elementary and middle schools, but the proposed curriculum ran into a storm of local opposition and had to be withdrawn. In 2014, the 79-day Umbrella Movement brought hundreds of thousands of citizens into the streets to protest Beijing’s refusal to allow direct elections for the chief executive. And as authoritarianism has intensified under Xi’s rule, events such as the 2015 kidnapping of five Hong Kong–based publishers to stand trial in the mainland further soured Hong Kong opinion. By this past June, only 27 percent of respondents to the tracking poll described themselves as “proud” to be citizens of China. This year’s demonstrations started as a protest against a proposed law that would have allowed Hong Kongers suspected of criminal wrongdoing to be extradited to the mainland but then developed into a broad-based expression of discontent over the lack of democratic accountability, police brutality, and, most fundamentally, what was perceived as a mainland assault on Hong Kong’s unique identity.
Still, Chinese leaders do not blame themselves for these shifts in public opinion. Rather, they believe that Western powers, especially the United States, have sought to drive a wedge between Hong Kong and the mainland. Statements made by U.S. politicians in support of the recent demonstrations only confirm Beijing’s belief that Washington seeks to inflame radical sentiments in Hong Kong. As Xi explained in his speech in September:
As extreme elements in Hong Kong turn more and more violent, Western forces, especially the United States, have been increasingly open in their involvement. Some extreme anti-China forces in the United States are trying to turn Hong Kong into the battleground for U.S.-Chinese rivalry…. They want to turn Hong Kong's high degree of autonomy into de facto independence, with the ultimate objective to contain China's rise and prevent the revival of the great Chinese nation.
Chinese leaders do not fear that a crackdown on Hong Kong would inspire Western antagonism. Rather, they take such antagonism as a preexisting reality—one that goes a long way toward explaining why the disorder in Hong Kong broke out in the first place. In Beijing’s eyes, Western hostility is rooted in the mere fact of China’s rise, and thus there is no use in tailoring China’s Hong Kong strategy to influence how Western powers would respond.
IT’S NOT ABOUT THE BENJAMINS
The view that Xi has not deployed troops because of Hong Kong’s economic importance to the mainland is also misguided, and relies on an outdated view of the balance of economic power. In 1997, Hong Kong’s GDP was equivalent to 18 percent of the mainland’s. Most of China’s foreign trade was conducted through Hong Kong, providing China with badly needed hard currencies. Chinese companies raised most of their capital on the Hong Kong stock exchange. Today, things are vastly different. In 2018, Hong Kong’s GDP was equal to only 2.7 percent of the mainland’s. Shenzhen alone has overtaken Hong Kong in terms of GDP. Less than 12 percent of China’s exports now flow through Hong Kong. The combined market value of China’s domestic stock exchanges in Shanghai and Shenzhen far surpasses that of the Hong Kong Stock Exchange, and Chinese companies can also list in Frankfurt, London, New York, and elsewhere.
Although Hong Kong remains the largest offshore clearing center for renminbi, that role could easily be filled by London or Singapore, if Chinese leaders so desired.
Investment flowing into and out of China still tends to pass through financial holding vehicles set up in Hong Kong, in order to benefit from the region’s legal protections. But China’s new foreign investment law (which will take effect on January 1, 2020) and other recent policy changes mean that such investment will soon be able to bypass Hong Kong. And although Hong Kong remains the largest offshore clearing center for renminbi, that role could easily be filled by London or Singapore, if Chinese leaders so desired.
Wrecking Hong Kong’s economy by using military force to impose emergency rule would not be a good thing for China. But the negative effect on the mainland’s prosperity would not be strong enough to prevent Beijing from doing whatever it believes is necessary to maintain control over the territory.
CAN’T BUY ME LOVE?
As it waits out the current crisis, Beijing has already started tackling the economic problems that it believes are the source of much of the anger among Hong Kongers. Housing prices have tripled over the past decade; today, the median price of a house is more than 20 times the median gross annual household income. The median rent has increased by nearly 25 percent in the past six years. As many as 250,000 people are waiting for public housing. At the same time, income growth for many Hong Kong residents has fallen below the overall increase in cost of living.
speech disorder 在 當張仲景遇上史丹佛 Facebook 的最讚貼文
加拿大溫哥華 第三屆國際傳統醫學大會暨中醫大會 – 日程更新
即將在八月下旬舉辦的加拿大第三屆國際傳統醫學大會暨中醫大會,在舉辦單位不斷地和各方溝通協調下,正式的日程表及各個講員的講題總算是固定下來了,畢竟安排近二十位來自世界各地的專家齊聚一堂,並非一件容易的事。這次大會,有幾位專家被安排演講三個小時,其他專家的演講從半個小時到兩個小時不等。感謝大會的重視,幫我安排在大的會場上演講三個小時,也幫我把原訂晚上的演講時段改成下午,雖然舉辦單位表示晚上的聽眾會比較多,我還是喜歡晚餐後放輕鬆、看看書、做運動、並早點就寢,謝謝大會的體諒,這樣我也就不用幫忙收拾會場了,莞爾!
第三届国际传统医学大会暨中医大会
语言: 中英双语同声翻译
时间: 2019年8月24日(周六)-25日(周日)上午9点到晚上9点
地点: Hilton Vancouver Metrotown, 6083 McKay Ave, Burnaby, BC V5H 2W7, Canada
举办单位: Canadian Institute of Complementary and Alternative Medicine Research
电话: 1-604-6201908
邮箱: [email protected]
网站: https://www.ictmhw.com
微信: qingcheng545445
2019年8月24日(星期六)活动详细议程 Agenda on Day 1 August 24th 2019
第一会场 (A&B Ball Rooms)
09:00-11:00 1. 頭針治療腦出血,腦血栓,眩暈,耳鳴,老年癡呆等症 Systematic application of scalp acupuncture in clinical treatment 焦顺发教授 Prof. Shunfa JIAO
11:00- 11:02 开幕式 Opening Ceremony 严庆蘋医生 Dr.Peggy Yu
11:03- 11:08 致开幕词
Opening & Welcome Remarks 王福麟教授 Prof. Fuling Wang
11:09- 11:30 嘉賓致辭 VIP Speech 宣读贺信 Greeting Letters 严庆蘋医生 Dr. Peggy Yu
11:30- 12:30 1. 頭針治療腦出血,腦血栓,眩暈,耳鳴,老年癡呆等症 Systematic application of scalp acupuncture in clinical treatment 焦顺发教授 Prof. Shunfa JIAO
12:30- 13:00 午餐及请教专家和看论文摘要展示 Lunch/Expert consultation/Post Presentation
13:00- 16:00 2. 針灸在美容減肥等方面的特殊方法與技法,針灸除雙下巴,皺紋,眼袋,面部緊 緻,減肥,瘦臀等 Special acupuncture methods and techniques for beauty and weight loss, etc. 崔兰英医生 Dr. Lanying CUI
16:00- 17:30 3. 中醫舌診在臨床診斷治療不孕不育等疑難 雜症 New principles and methods in application of TCM tongue diagnosis in clinical practice 熊旻利医生 Dr. Minli XIONG
17:30- 18:00 晚餐及请教专家和看论文摘要展示 Dinner/Expert consultation/Poster Presentation
18:00- 21:00 4. 飛經走氣針法及針氣療法治療子宮肌瘤, 內膜增生,乳腺增生等 Miracle effect of Feijingzouqi and Zhenqi acupuncture techniques for intractable diseases 吴泓德医生 Dr. Hung- Te Wu
2019 年 8 月 25 日(星期日)活动详细议程 Agenda on Day 2 August 25th 2019
第一会场 (A&B Ball Rooms)
09:00-12:00 1. 骨盆與健康(全身關節錯位引起的急慢性內外病痛治療) Pelvis and Health (treatment of acute and chronic external and internal diseases caused by joint disorder) 徐星凱醫生 Dr. Xingkai Xu
12:00-13:30 2. 中醫舌診在臨床診斷治療不孕不育等疑難 雜症 New principles and methods in application of TCM tongue diagnosis in clinical practice 熊旻利医生 Dr. Minli XIONG
13:30-14:00 午餐及请教专家和看论文摘要展示 Lunch/Expert consultation/Post Presentation
14:00-17:00 3.中醫經方治疗重症、急症及特殊复杂疾病的临床病例討論 Clinical case discussions of classic Chinese medicine applications on severe and urgent health conditions 李宗恩医生 Dr. Andy Lee
17:00-17:30 闭幕式 Closing Ceremony 严庆蘋医生 Dr. Peggy Yu
16:45 – 17 :30 闭幕感谢词 Closing & Thank you Remarks 程霞院长 Dr Xia Cheng
17:30-18:00 晚餐及请教午餐及请教专家和看论文摘要展 示 Dinner/Expert consultation/Post Presentation
18:00-21:00 4.針靈技法及針灸治療各種有形包塊,糖尿 病,高血壓,皮膚病等 Dao of TCM — Zhenling of Needle conscious technique and Pingmai of Pulse normalization demonstration 潘晓川教授 Dr. Xiaochung Pan
第二会场( Ball Room C)
09:00-11:00 1. 針灸美容,瘦臉,減肥,祛黃褐斑等 Treatment of facial defect with acupuncture 刘宁教授 Prof. Ning Liu
11:00-12:00 2. 中醫治療抑鬱,狂躁,躁鬱症,焦慮症 Clinical effects of TCM in treating emotional and mental disorder 杨常青医生 Dr. Changqing Yang
12:00-13:00 3. 迷你刃針治療偏頭痛,血管性頭痛,足底足跟痛 The potential and value of Microblade acupuncture in clinical treatment 黄国健博士 Dr. Guojian Huang
13:00-13:30 4. 脊柱相關問題的有效診斷和條理方法 黃偉醫生 Dr. Wei Huang
13:30-14:00 午餐及请教专家和看论文摘要展示 Lunch/Expert consultation/Post Presentation
14:00-15:00 5. 針灸與芳療精油治療頭,眼,耳,鼻,口痛 Application of aromatherapy essential oil to acupuncture treatment 梅和詠医生 Dr. Heyon Mei
15:00-16:00 6.針灸與埋線治療肥胖症,胸膜痛,手臂痛 Obesity & embedding techniques Dr. Amir Hooman Kazemi
16:00-17:00 7.燒山火透天涼治療男性不育,鼻敏感,中風 Clinical application of feeling point, Burning Mountain Fire, and Cooling Sky needing techniques in reinforcing and reducing method 陆飚医生 Dr. Biao Lu
17:00-17:15 闭幕式 Closing Ceremony 严庆蘋医生 Dr. Peggy Yu
17:15 – 17 :30 闭幕感谢词 Closing & Thank you Remarks 程霞院长 Dr. Xia Cheng
17:30-18:00 晚餐及请教午餐及请教专家和看论文摘要展示 Dinner/Expert consultation/Post Presentation
18:00-19:00 8. 針藥結合靶向治療乳腺癌,腦腫瘤,膀胱 癌等 Diagnosis of three-level targets and on-target treatment of cancers using Acupuncture and Chinese herbal medicine 刘金洪教授 Prof. Jinhong Liu
19:00-20:00 9. 夏桂成老師治療不孕症,子宮肌瘤,更年 期綜合症 Typical successful cases of infertility and other gynecological diseases treated with the TCM principles: sharing from my supervisor, Dr. Guichen XIA 谈勇教授 Prof. Yon Tan
20:00-20:30 10. 頭針成功治療兒童自閉症和腦癱疾病的臨床經驗分享 Scalp acupuncture for autism and other developmental disorders in children 史灵芝医生 Dr. Lingzhi Shu
20:30-21:00 11. 近視眼,乾眼症,眼底出血,黃斑水腫,葡萄膜炎等眼疾的中醫治療 Treatment of eye diseases such as myopia with TCM 王育良教授 Prof. Yuliang Wang
*:上述活动日程会根据具体情况做适当调整
Events are subject to changes, will be verified and confirmed as required.
(http://andylee.pro/wp/?p=6132)
speech disorder 在 Angela Charlotte Cheng Youtube 的最佳貼文
希望我的故事有給你們啟發,變得更自信。以下是影片中提到的自信撇步:
1. 滿足自我需求
? 深呼吸呼吸, 問現在感覺如何?
?我要怎麼照顧這個情緒?
2. 面對弱點和絆腳石(可能是過去的經驗造成的)
? 寫下來並找解決方法
? 問自己如果我不怕我會做什麼?衝一個吧!
3. 接收我給你愛的鼓勵吧!
連結聽我上自信廣播:
https://thetaoofselfconfidence.com/blog/angela-cheng/
喜歡的話可以訂閱開啟小鈴鐺?收一首通知哦?
?工作請洽: angelacheng1993@gmail.com
社群網站 Say Hi?! ?
Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/braidsmission/
Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/Braidsmission/
YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/user/angelacheng1993
愛,
甜兒(@braidsmission)
#自信#勵志影片#快畢業
speech disorder 在 POPA Channel Youtube 的最佳貼文
BB最喜歡隨手拿起什麼都放入口中,手指腳指玩具等等不用說,有時連你想像不到的都要放入口中品嚐一番。有兒科醫生可能會告誡大家,病從口入,千萬不要讓小朋友「咬呢樣、咬嗰樣」;亦有人說一旦養成吮手指的習慣,大個就很難戒,但大家有沒有想過原來一刀切阻止他們放東西入口,隨時會影響孩子的身心發展?
參考資料
Oral Fixation In Children | Oral Fixation Disorder & Treatment. (2015, August 07). Retrieved from Day 2 Day Parenting
Conger, C. (2012, May 14). 5 Modern Parenting Tips From Freud. Retrieved from HowStuffWorks
(2013年9 月29日)。口腔期滿足 較有安全感。臺灣蘋果日報,副刊。
Greutman, H. (2015, February 23). Is My Child's Chewing A Sensory Oral Fixation? Retrieved from Growing Hands-On Kids
Angelo, F. (2013, November 07). Oral Fixation vs. Oral Mouthing: Is There a Difference? Retrieved from Day 2 Day Parenting
Morris, S. E. (1997). Mouth Toys and Mouthing for Sensory and Oral Motor Development in Infants & Children with Feeding & Oral Motor Problems. Retrieved from Feeding, Pre-Speech and Speech Relationships in Infants and Children
speech disorder 在 [email protected] Youtube 的最佳解答
Dizziness - Dr. Soo Ming Soon Gordon@FindDoc.com
Source: https://www.finddoc.com/en
Background: Miss Kwok recently experienced dizziness in the past few days, it was not too serious. She didn’t have tinnitus. Blood pressure and blood sugar level were normal. A doctor in general practice said this could be “Meniere's Disease”.
(1) What causes the dizziness in this case? 0:32
(2) What kinds of tests can be done to diagnose this disease? 1:37
(3) What treatments are available? (FindDoc Medical information) 2:38
Search Doctor information:
https://www.finddoc.com/
Let's Connect:
https://www.facebook.com/FindDoc
https://plus.google.com/102821364210960788806/posts
speech disorder 在 What is a Speech Disorder? (Apraxia of Speech and Dysarthria) 的推薦與評價
This week we cover what goes on behind the scenes of speech disorders. Often this is the most talked about type of problem that speech ... ... <看更多>