美國知名網紅Kate Talbot+阿雅談品牌、內容策略、內容行銷
直播:https://event.webinarjam.com/go/live/21/vo3lyaxfosksg
矽谷頂尖加速器500 Starups請我幫他們拉丁美洲五個國家的新創社群演講
媽呀!我的西班牙文不行耶~只會Hola! 👋 沒有啦,還好是講英文!
來吧!來看看拉丁美洲的人都問什麼問題!
First Topic: Brand.
Let’s talk about memorable brands.
Does every startup need to have one?
Which elements do you consider good brands have in common?
What is the best way to create and develop brand awareness? And how do you measure it?
Which startup do you consider does a good job with their brand, and how they built it? One example each.
In which stage you should start building your brand: before launching your product or after finding product-market fit?
Second topic: Content strategy.
Content vs Content Strategy. What's the difference between them and why a startup should think around strategy and not just content?
Why is it important to have a content strategy?
How a company should plan this strategy and who is responsible for this?
What to consider when planning your content strategy?
Paid and organic.
Channels.
Audience.
Content.
Once you have your strategy in place, how do you know if it's working properly? What should you measure and what tools do you recommend for this?
Third topic: Content for sales.
How can we use content to get conversions (leads, sales)?
Content helps to build trust to potential customers, what kind of content helps for this?
What kind of content do you recommend to turn leads into sales for B2B and B2C?
Producing content has always a cost, if it’s planned to impact brand awareness and also helps with sales, should you consider adding this cost to your CAC? (Blog posts, influencers, your social media, email marketing, youtube, videos, etc.)
How does content play a role in your SEO?
同時也有1部Youtube影片,追蹤數超過361萬的網紅Dan Lok,也在其Youtube影片中提到,Sick And Tired Of Being Stuck In The Entrepreneurial Doom Loop And Not Getting To Where You Want In Life? Click Here And Discover Dan’s Best-Kept Secr...
「social media strategy example」的推薦目錄:
- 關於social media strategy example 在 矽谷阿雅 Anya Cheng Facebook 的最佳解答
- 關於social media strategy example 在 李卓人 Lee Cheuk Yan Facebook 的最佳貼文
- 關於social media strategy example 在 堅離地城:沈旭暉國際生活台 Simon's Glos World Facebook 的最佳解答
- 關於social media strategy example 在 Dan Lok Youtube 的最佳貼文
- 關於social media strategy example 在 Real Social Media Strategy Example and Walkthrough 的評價
social media strategy example 在 李卓人 Lee Cheuk Yan Facebook 的最佳貼文
(支聯會2020年8月19日聲明 Statement by Hong Kong Alliance, 19 August 2020 )
強烈譴責教育局篡改歷史
抹掉軍隊「六四」屠殺真相
報載有關通識科教科書經「自願送審計劃」送交教育局審查後,出版商涉嫌配合當局的所謂「優化意見」政策,刻意「河蟹」起來,淡化、粉飾、扭曲,以至刪去「現代中國」單元中多個被視為敏感議題的教學資料,其中涉及「維權運動」和「六四事件」。
以齡記出版的《高中新世紀通識:現代中國》為例,原版列出「維權運動」的原因時,提及當局「認為維權運動造成社會動盪,因此我們大多以打壓的方式處理,例如拘禁維權人士、封鎖網上相關言論等…」,修訂後改為「維權運動可能造成社會動盪,民眾應以理性的方式和我們反映問題及表達不滿,例如通過國家信訪局網站作出申訴…」。 可是事實上,上訪者多遭遇截訪、關押甚至酷刑,受屈者即使循司法程序尋求公義,亦經常遭到有關當局的滋擾和逼迫,造成更大和更多的冤案,如此的修訂資料無疑是文過飾非,為當局的惡行塗脂抹粉。
該書在修訂「六四事件」資料時的手法同樣拙劣不堪。 原版提及觸發事件的「貪污問題」和「官倒現象」等起因,以及過程中的「軍隊清場」和「武力鎮壓」等解說如今完全被刪除,甚至「六四事件」字眼也被抹掉,修改為「造成民眾普遍不滿,更削弱政府管治效能,威脅中國社會穩定」云云,閃爍其詞,簡直完全抹煞事件始末的客觀和準確陳述。這樣的修訂手法不僅是偏向性混淆事實,更有意掩飾,不惜篡改真相,將血跡斑斑的「六四」屠殺慘劇,避重就輕的寫成維穩篇章,其政治意圖昭然若揭,卻是有違教育專業原則。
須知歷史教學是認識和探究的學習過程,有關教學材料的整理、編製和鋪陳須持平公正,盡量展示和引述正反兩方面資料,從而引導學生以多角度討論、思考和判斷。 歷史教學並不是政治宣傳,而歷史教材因此絕對不是以「政治正確」掛帥,經修改以凸顯黨國政策和正面形象。 極權國家慣常以操控的教育手段「修改」歷史,從而「捏塑」人民的歷史記憶,「箝制」人民的思想,以配合其管治策略。 香港人,特別是香港教育界,必須有所警覺。
為此,支聯會抗議教育局的審核教科書機制淪為政治審查工具,並強烈譴責掩飾真相的歷史教材修訂。 歷史絕對不容當權者肆意抹煞,支聯會當前運作的「六四紀念館」,以及籌建中的網上「六四記憶。人權博物館」,正是要好好保存有關的寶貴和真確歷史資料,讓史實和記憶傳承下去。
(Statement by Hong Kong Alliance, 19 August 2020)
Hong Kong Alliance strongly condemns the Education Bureau for distorting history
Stop erasing the truth of the Tiananmen Massacre
Media have reported that after Liberal Studies textbooks were sent to the Education Bureau for review through a ‘voluntary submission scheme’, publishers have cooperated with the so-called ‘optimization comments’ policy, downplaying, whitewashing, distorting, and even deleting many teaching materials deemed ‘sensitive’ in the Modern China unit, including the ‘human rights movement’ and ‘June 4 incident’.
For example, take ‘High School New Century Liberal Studies: Modern China’ published by Ling Kee. The original version says the authorities ‘believe the human rights movement has caused social unrest, so they mostly deal with it in repressive ways such as detaining human rights defenders, blocking relevant online comments, etc’. This was revised to ‘[the] human rights movement might cause social unrest. [The] public should report problems and express dissatisfaction with [the authorities] in a rational manner, for example, by making a complaint through the website of the National Public Complaints and Proposals Administration…’ However in reality, petitioners are often intercepted, imprisoned and even tortured. Even if the aggrieved seek justice through judicial procedures, they are often harassed and persecuted by the relevant authorities, resulting in more injustice. Such revised information is undoubtedly a whitewash to cover up the authorities' evil deeds.
Revisions of information pertaining to the ‘June 4th incident’ in the book are also problematic. While the original version gave ‘corruption’ and ‘official profiteering’ as triggers of mass protests in 1989 and made reference to ‘clearance by the army’ and ‘suppression by force’, this has all been deleted in the revision. Even the words ‘June 4th incident’ have been erased. Instead, the proests are described as having ‘caused public dissatisfaction, weakened governance effectiveness, and threatened the stability of Chinese society’, which is evasive and completely obliterates the objective and accurate account of the incident. Such revisions are not only biased, obscuring the facts, but they even try to conceal and distort the truth. The blood-stained tragedy of Tiananmen Massacre becomes a chapter on stability maintenance. The political intentions are obvious. They violate the principles of education.
It is important to note that history teaching is a learning process of recognition and inquiry. The collation, compilation and presentation of teaching materials should be balanced and fair, presenting and citing both pros and cons, so as to guide students to discuss, think and judge for themselves from multiple perspectives. History teaching is not political propaganda. History textbooks should therefore definitely not be modified to highlight party-state policy and improve its image. Totalitarian countries often use control over education as a means to ‘modify’ history, thereby molding people's historical memory and suppressing people's thinking in conformity with their governance strategy. Hong Kong people, especially the Hong Kong education sector, must be vigilant.
Therefore, Hong Kong Alliance protests that the Education Bureau’s textbook review mechanism has become a tool for political vetting, and strongly condemns revisions of history textbooks that conceal the truth. History must not be arbitrarily erased by those in power. The goals of the currently operating June 4 Museum and Online Tiananmen Massacre Memorial Museum under development by Hong Kong Alliance are precisely to preserve the relevant precious and true historical materials so that historical facts and memories can be preserved and passed on.
#教育局 #政治審查 #歷史 #六四真相 #六四屠殺 #通識科 #篡改歷史 #六四紀念館 #六四記憶人權博物館
social media strategy example 在 堅離地城:沈旭暉國際生活台 Simon's Glos World Facebook 的最佳解答
【#TheDiplomat🌍】難得The Diplomat讀者對香港有興趣:
The series of iron-fisted moves last month in Hong Kong may seem sudden to international observers: Hong Kong government’s earlier reinterpretation of the China-Hong Kong relationship, the election of a pro-Beijing legislator to be a Legislative Council chair through a controversial mechanism, and Beijing’s recent decision to impose a national security law on Hong Kong. The desire to bring Hong Kong under the banner of “one country, one system” is not impulsive. Quite the contrary, it’s a calculated campaign to initiate a so-called “second reunification with Hong Kong” — since the first reunification after the handover, using a lenient soft-power approach, has supposedly failed.
What are Beijing’s calculations that motivate this bold campaign now? And more important, will the campaign work?
While I remain highly skeptical of solely applying the realist framework to study Hong Kong, Beijing’s mentality is nonetheless entirely realism-driven. It is therefore essential to use this lens to understand more of their thoughts.
COVID-19: A Golden Opportunity on the International Stage?
To start with, the coronavirus pandemic seems to have created an ideal backdrop for Beijing to push forward its iron-fisted policy toward Hong Kong. The West has been devastated by the pandemic, more so than China, and has been slower to recover economically. Instead of decoupling from China, Beijing thinks the West is desperate for an influx of Chinese capital and markets. This notion encourages Beijing to pursue brinkmanship, in the form of confrontative “wolf warrior diplomacy,” its escalation of sharp power, and, most recently, Hong Kong’s national security law. As long as the international community does not put their condemnation into action, Beijing will keep pushing the envelope.
Beijing is convinced that the chambers of commerce representing other countries in Hong Kong will always place profits above all else as long as the national security law does not threaten them. Business deals struck at the crucial moment can entice foreign businesses to use their lobby teams in their home countries in Beijing’s favor.
Although anti-China sentiment has become more mainstream, Beijing, the major beneficiary of globalization in the past two decades, has tied its destiny with various elites internationally. These “friends of China” can be swayed to safeguard Beijing’s interests, but the up-and-coming leaders in many countries look less friendly. Therefore, the window of opportunity for Beijing to act is closing before the new value-driven generation comes to power.
The Lack of Incentive Behind the U.S. and U.K.’s Escalating Rhetoric
While U.S. politicians from left to right are vocal against China, their ultimate goal, Beijing believes, is to win votes in the November election. They would hence avoid hurting the interest groups they represent and go easy on actions aiming to punish China, such as denying Hong Kong’s status as a separate customs territory, sanctioning Chinese companies listed in Hong Kong, or escalating the trade war.
Even though the Trump administration is ramping up the rhetoric to sanction China, protecting Hong Kong’s autonomy is not one of the United States’ core interests. In contrast, having control over Hong Kong is China’s core interest. Beijing would rather make concessions over other disputes with Washington in exchange for claiming victory in Hong Kong for its internal propaganda.
Britain, the co-signer of the Joint Declaration for Hong Kong’s handover, is arguably most entitled to denounce Beijing’s violation, which would give mandates to the United States to act. But Beijing is convinced that Britain, not as powerful as it used to be, will not make such a move. Beijing’s recent plans to withdraw businesses from the United States and list them in the London stock market is a move to place a wedge between the two powers. U.S. President Donald Trump’s unilateralism and his harsh stance against U.S. allies also strengthens Beijing’s conviction that the West will not follow the United States’ lead.
Beijing’s Divide and Conquer Strategy in Hong Kong
Hong Kong’s parliament, the Legislative Council (LegCo), is a major roadblock to Beijing’s control, as demonstrated twice since the handover — in 2003 when the national security law was first introduced and in 2019 with the anti-extradition legislation that sparked city-wide protests. In both setbacks, Beijing lost control when moderate pro-establishment legislators broke away from the party line in the face of public outcry. As the September LegCo election approaches, the last thing Beijing wants is for the election to become a de facto referendum on the single issue of the national security law, which could result in another landslide win for the democratic parties. The law would be untenable to the international community if it’s opposed by both pro-democracy voters, which according to polls account for 60 percent of the votes, and moderate pro-establishment voters.
The moderates, despite their reluctance to embrace hardline rule in Hong Kong, differ from the more militant faction within the non-establishment camp in that the former rejects the so-called “mutual destruction” option, which risks Hong Kong’s special trade status — its economic lifeline — as a bargaining tactic to force Beijing to back off. Now that Washington is considering withdrawing Hong Kong’s privileges, the possibility of mutual destruction is becoming real. As Beijing has been promoting a narrative that all supporters of the protest movement’s “Five Demands” are bringing about mutual destruction, Beijing hopes the moderates, in fear of losing their financial assets, might turn toward the establishment.
On the other hand, the pro-democracy camp is at risk of breaking apart. Moderate pro-democracy supporters have been going to rallies to keep up with the political momentum. However, marches with more than a million participants would be impossible under the current oppressive environment. For example, the authorities abuse COVID-19 social distancing measures to suppress rallies, permits for peaceful protests are increasingly difficult to obtain, pro-establishment businesses heavily censored the social media activities of employees, and outspoken individuals are often cyberbullied.
Without support from the moderates, some within the pro-democracy camp may radicalize, as Beijing expects. The radicalization would fit Beijing’s tactic of painting protests as separatism and terrorism, justifying the imposition of the national security law. The trajectory would be similar to Beijing’s handling of the 1959 Tibetan “riots,” during which Mao Zedong’s directive was “the more chaotic the scene, the better.”
The Nationalistic Agenda to Divert Domestic Attention
But after all, to Beijing, Hong Kong is not just Hong Kong. In the wake of the pandemic, Beijing urgently needs to uphold nationalism to divert unwanted attention from its economic crisis. That includes a global propaganda campaign to promote its triumph over COVID-19. Upgrading the Hong Kong protests to a national security issue — as a battle against foreign interference to complete the “reunification with Hong Kong” — best suits the nationalist atmosphere. The all-time low sense of belonging with China among the new generation in Hong Kong further justifies a strong-arm approach. The success of the strategy would offer a way to reunite with Taiwan, which would consolidate Xi’s leadership within the Communist Party.
Also, including the Hong Kong issue as part of the national agenda means that the Hong Kong government, which has already lost its will to govern, will dance to Beijing’s tunes.
This comprehensive crackdown on Hong Kong’s civil society is unprecedented. Beijing believes that the heavy-handed approach would pervade Hong Kong with a sense of powerlessness and bring it to its knees. As long as the international response is limited, the execution of the national security law, according to Chairman Mao’s “theory of contradiction,” will follow a script of “a soft hand” and “a firm hand.” That is, after its imposition, the law will initially apply restraint and be used only on individuals to set a stern example, so that the general public would feel as if the law does not impact them at all and property and stock prices would not fall. Gradually and subtly, if the realist formula of Beijing works, the “second reunification” could become a self-proclaimed success story for Beijing’s propaganda.
However, Beijing’s evaluations are not foolproof. Any single miscalculation could lead to a contradictory outcome for the People’s Republic of China. Is it really prepared?
▶️ 國安法:中國的現實主義框架
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HjhRbV8qTgo
⏺ 中美夏威夷峰會
https://www.patreon.com/posts/38378214
social media strategy example 在 Dan Lok Youtube 的最佳貼文
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Not long ago, Dan Lok was just a poor immigrant boy. He had nothing but a strong desire to get out of debt and make enough to provide for his single mom. With this strong desire, Dan quit his job as a grocery bagger. He dropped out of college. And he became an entrepreneur.
After 13 failed businesses, Dan finally became a self-made millionaire at age 27 and multi-millionaire by age 30.
Fast forward to today, Dan is now an official Forbes Book author with over 13 internationally best-selling books. He’s the founder and chairman of several multimillion dollar businesses. And outside of his business success, he is one of the most-watched, most quoted and most followed educators of our time. In total, his videos have been watched over 100-million times across his social media platforms. His emails are read by over 2,000,000 people every month.
If you want the no b.s. way to master your financial destiny, then learn from Dan. Subscribe to his channel now.
★☆★ CONNECT WITH DAN ON SOCIAL MEDIA ★☆★
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#DanLok #BrianScudamore #DoomLoop
Please understand that by watching Dan’s videos or enrolling in his programs does not mean you’ll get results close to what he’s been able to do (or do anything for that matter).
He’s been in business for over 20 years and his results are not typical.
Most people who watch his videos or enroll in his programs get the “how to” but never take action with the information. Dan is only sharing what has worked for him and his students.
Your results are dependent on many factors… including but not limited to your ability to work hard, commit yourself, and do whatever it takes.
Entering any business is going to involve a level of risk as well as massive commitment and action. If you're not willing to accept that, please DO NOT WATCH DAN’S VIDEOS OR SIGN UP FOR ONE OF HIS PROGRAMS.
This video is about Ending The Doom Loop Explained By Multi-Millionaire Brian Scudamore
https://youtu.be/vYJi0-jGDas
https://youtu.be/vYJi0-jGDas
social media strategy example 在 Real Social Media Strategy Example and Walkthrough 的推薦與評價
Here's how I share a social media strategy presentation with a client! Walking you through a real social media strategy as an example. ... <看更多>