讓美國雞飛狗跳的德州心跳法案
德州在近日內通過美國史上最保守的心跳法案,嚴格禁止婦女在懷孕六周後進行任何墮胎行為。美國最高法院在五十年前所通過的Roe vs. Wade給予婦女墮胎權利,過去任何反墮胎禁令幾乎都因為這法案被擋掉。德州這回山不轉路轉,不要求政府官員來執行法令,而是邀請全民當賞金獵人,只要舉報後被發現有墮胎行為,不但律師費全包,還額外給予美金$10,000元當犒賞。而且任何人都有權利監督,無論是隔壁鄰居還是計程車司機或是洗髮店老闆,全民通通皆可參加。這項法案在到達最高法院時,由保守派多數的最高法官直接已讀不回,說法案有點複雜不知道怎麼處理就假裝沒看到,順利讓德州法案過關執行,引發全美一陣譁然。
德州心跳法案會引起如此大迴響不是沒有原因,美國人對醫療隱私萬分注重,不同於台灣國情一個人生病是一家人都集體參與的事情,美國則是非當事人都無法向前檯小姐醫師助理甚至是診所打掃阿姨來打探病情(題外話,這也是新冠疫情至今接觸者追蹤永遠無法在美國做起來的主要原因,只要有人因為隱私二字不願意坦承病情你就沒轍)。這條法案則明顯利用賞金來請全德州居民窺探墮胎者的意願和隱私進而舉報。但我認為讓這條法案危險的地方是日後的蝴蝶效應,全民吹哨運動不但可能讓其他州都跟進,更有可能用換湯不換藥的方式將任何有爭議性的法案都如此執行。這就好比加州決定全面禁槍或是全民打疫苗,只要舉報任何身邊有槍或沒打疫苗的人都能拿錢,槍枝氾濫和疫情問題或許能迅速在加州剷除,但我也相信保守派也一定會全面暴動,而且暴動時還一定會帶上槍。
當然自由派也不是吃素的,墮胎大戰再次被點燃。拜登總統譴責之餘,也在這週二祭出司法部控訴德州州政府,想要腰斬這條法案,目前還在程序當中。國會更是決定加緊推動表決「婦女健康法案」給予婦女無條件的墮胎權,希望藉由推動中央法案讓德州地方法案失效。最高法院下個月也將審理密西西比州將墮胎時間限制為15周以內(而非原先的24周)案件。這回最高法官可不能再次裝死矇混,是否會讓Roe Vs. Wade遭到推翻,全美國都在等著看。
這次保守派處理的方式難以讓人信服,同樣是站在反對墮胎的角度,我個人比較能理解教宗的詮釋:「墮胎是謀殺…一名三周的胎兒已經有了心跳、身體器官、和DNA,這是人命,而人命應當被尊重。教會不能改變立場,但是每一次當神職人員不以牧者的角度來面對問題時,他們已經為政治選邊站…當教會為了支持理念用非牧者心態就會淪為政治角力。身為牧者不該是去定罪別人,因為上帝對人的方式是親近、憐憫、和溫柔,整本聖經都是這樣紀載的。」
最後,德州沒想到的是,原本民調落後的加州州長,在全美因為墮胎案件民意沸騰之際,反倒成了他現成的競選口號:「別讓加州成為德州,」激起加州自由派的危機意識,害怕若選出保守派州長也會同樣被限制墮胎權,讓加州居民紛紛出來投票,最終州長大贏順利留任。我猜他在鏡頭背後一定想著自己到底是哪來的狗屎運,在德州心跳法案上撿了現成的大便宜。
換作是你會信服全民當打手的墮胎法案嗎?留言來告訴我吧!
PS…美國pro-life vs. pro-choice到底在吵啥我在另一篇文章心跳法案沒告訴你的事:bit.ly/3kj26vs 有更多討論,在這裡就不贅述。
#德州心跳法案 #美國保守派 #墮胎大戰重新點燃 #DrP看時事 #每週五準時上線 #圖片取自USNews
本篇文章同步發表於部落格:bit.ly/2XqBKP6
同時也有2部Youtube影片,追蹤數超過6萬的網紅Adam Lobo TV,也在其Youtube影片中提到,Apple Airpods Pro Unboxing And 2020 Review: An Android User's Perspective | Still Worth It In 2020? So I've only gotten to review the Apple Airpods P...
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pro choice vs pro life 在 US Taiwan Watch: 美國台灣觀測站 Facebook 的最佳解答
🎙S2 EP17 - 史上首部歐台關係草案;拜登阿富汗終戰演說;美國社會最重大的爭議:禁墮胎的立法攻防
歐盟在9月1日通過了「歐盟-台灣政治關係與合作」草案,即將針對中國的軍事威脅,建議歐盟開始評估對於台灣的雙邊投資協定影響,還有正名歐盟與台灣的辦事處名稱!這和美國國會的「台灣外交檢討法案」有什麼類似的地方呢?
這週的podcast我們也討論到上週美國東部嚴重的颶風侵襲,以及德州通過禁止墮胎的「心跳法案」,討論在美國最為重大的爭論議題之一:墮胎權的攻防(pro-choice vs pro-life)。
最後,我們還是想和聽眾繼續討論美國在8月30日從阿富汗的撤離,是如何結束了20年的阿富汗戰爭,還有拜登隔日發表的「終戰演說」。美國未來還會再「幫人重建國家文化」嗎?還是傾向會更有策略性的短期任務?美國的下一個重點會是什麼呢?
這週我們也邀請到了國關專家魯斯濱來繼續討論阿富汗人民的看法,還有其它專家對撤軍不同的看法。大家記得收聽喔~
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各平台收聽的傳送門👇🏼👇🏼
linktr.ee/us.taiwan.watch。
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pro choice vs pro life 在 黃之鋒 Joshua Wong Facebook 的最佳解答
【《金融時報》深度長訪】
今年做過數百外媒訪問,若要說最能反映我思緒和想法的訪問,必然是《金融時報》的這一個,沒有之一。
在排山倒海的訪問裡,這位記者能在短短個半小時裡,刻畫得如此傳神,值得睇。
Joshua Wong plonks himself down on a plastic stool across from me. He is there for barely 10 seconds before he leaps up to greet two former high school classmates in the lunchtime tea house melee. He says hi and bye and then bounds back. Once again I am facing the young man in a black Chinese collared shirt and tan shorts who is proving such a headache for the authorities in Beijing.
So far, it’s been a fairly standard week for Wong. On a break from a globe-trotting, pro-democracy lobbying tour, he was grabbed off the streets of Hong Kong and bundled into a minivan. After being arrested, he appeared on the front pages of the world’s newspapers and was labelled a “traitor” by China’s foreign ministry.
He is very apologetic about being late for lunch.
Little about Wong, the face of Hong Kong’s democracy movement, can be described as ordinary: neither his Nobel Peace Prize nomination, nor his three stints in prison. Five years ago, his face was plastered on the cover of Time magazine; in 2017, he was the subject of a hit Netflix documentary, Joshua: Teenager vs Superpower. And he’s only 23.
We’re sitting inside a Cantonese teahouse in the narrow back streets near Hong Kong’s parliament, where he works for a pro-democracy lawmaker. It’s one of the most socially diverse parts of the city and has been at the heart of five months of unrest, which has turned into a battle for Hong Kong’s future. A few weekends earlier I covered clashes nearby as protesters threw Molotov cocktails at police, who fired back tear gas. Drunk expats looked on, as tourists rushed by dragging suitcases.
The lunch crowd pours into the fast-food joint, milling around as staff set up collapsible tables on the pavement. Construction workers sit side-by-side with men sweating in suits, chopsticks in one hand, phones in the other. I scan the menu: instant noodles with fried egg and luncheon meat, deep fried pork chops, beef brisket with radish. Wong barely glances at it before selecting the hometown fried rice and milk tea, a Hong Kong speciality with British colonial roots, made with black tea and evaporated or condensed milk.
“I always order this,” he beams, “I love this place, it’s the only Cantonese teahouse in the area that does cheap, high-quality milk tea.” I take my cue and settle for the veggie and egg fried rice and a lemon iced tea as the man sitting on the next table reaches over to shake Wong’s hand. Another pats him on the shoulder as he brushes by to pay the bill.
Wong has been a recognisable face in this city since he was 14, when he fought against a proposal from the Hong Kong government to introduce a national education curriculum that would teach that Chinese Communist party rule was “superior” to western-style democracy. The government eventually backed down after more than 100,000 people took to the streets. Two years later, Wong rose to global prominence when he became the poster boy for the Umbrella Movement, in which tens of thousands of students occupied central Hong Kong for 79 days to demand genuine universal suffrage.
That movement ended in failure. Many of its leaders were sent to jail, among them Wong. But the seeds of activism were planted in the generation of Hong Kongers who are now back on the streets, fighting for democracy against the world’s most powerful authoritarian state. The latest turmoil was sparked by a controversial extradition bill but has evolved into demands for true suffrage and a showdown with Beijing over the future of Hong Kong. The unrest in the former British colony, which was handed over to China in 1997, represents the biggest uprising on Chinese soil since the 1989 pro-democracy movement in Beijing. Its climax, of course, was the Tiananmen Square massacre, when hundreds, perhaps thousands, of people were killed.
“We learnt a lot of lessons from the Umbrella Movement: how to deal with conflict between the more moderate and progressive camps, how to be more organic, how to be less hesitant,” says Wong. “Five years ago the pro-democracy camp was far more cautious about seeking international support because they were afraid of pissing off Beijing.”
Wong doesn’t appear to be afraid of irking China. Over the past few months, he has lobbied on behalf of the Hong Kong protesters to governments around the world. In the US, he testified before Congress and urged lawmakers to pass an act in support of the Hong Kong protesters — subsequently approved by the House of Representatives with strong bipartisan support. In Germany, he made headlines when he suggested two baby pandas in the Berlin Zoo be named “Democracy” and “Freedom.” He has been previously barred from entering Malaysia and Thailand due to pressure from Beijing, and a Singaporean social worker was recently convicted and fined for organising an event at which Wong spoke via Skype.
The food arrives almost immediately. I struggle to tell our orders apart. Two mouthfuls into my egg and cabbage fried rice, I regret not ordering the instant noodles with luncheon meat.
In August, a Hong Kong newspaper controlled by the Chinese Communist party published a photo of Julie Eadeh, an American diplomat, meeting pro-democracy student leaders including Wong. The headline accused “foreign forces” of igniting a revolution in Hong Kong. “Beijing says I was trained by the CIA and the US marines and I am a CIA agent. [I find it] quite boring because they have made up these kinds of rumours for seven years [now],” he says, ignoring his incessantly pinging phone.
Another thing that bores him? The media. Although Wong’s messaging is always on point, his appraisal of journalists in response to my questions is piercing and cheeky. “In 15-minute interviews I know journalists just need soundbites that I’ve repeated lots of times before. So I’ll say things like ‘I have no hope [as regards] the regime but I have hope towards the people.’ Then the journalists will say ‘oh that’s so impressive!’ And I’ll say ‘yes, I’m a poet.’ ”
And what about this choice of restaurant? “Well, I knew I couldn’t pick a five-star hotel, even though the Financial Times is paying and I know you can afford it,” he says grinning. “It’s better to do this kind of interview in a Hong Kong-style restaurant. This is the place that I conducted my first interview after I left prison.” Wong has spent around 120 days in prison in total, including on charges of unlawful assembly.
“My fellow prisoners would tell me about how they joined the Umbrella Movement and how they agreed with our beliefs. I think prisoners are more aware of the importance of human rights,” he says, adding that even the prison wardens would share with him how they had joined protests.
“Even the triad members in prison support democracy. They complain how the tax on cigarettes is extremely high and the tax on red wine is extremely low; it just shows how the upper-class elite lives here,” he says, as a waiter strains to hear our conversation. Wong was most recently released from jail in June, the day after the largest protests in the history of Hong Kong, when an estimated 2m people — more than a quarter of the territory’s 7.5m population — took to the streets.
Raised in a deeply religious family, he used to travel to mainland China every two years with his family and church literally to spread the gospel. As with many Hong Kong Chinese who trace their roots to the mainland, he doesn’t know where his ancestral village is. His lasting memory of his trips across the border is of dirty toilets, he tells me, mid-bite. He turned to activism when he realised praying didn’t help much.
“The gift from God is to have independence of mind and critical thinking; to have our own will and to make our own personal judgments. I don’t link my religious beliefs with my political judgments. Even Carrie Lam is Catholic,” he trails off, in a reference to Hong Kong’s leader. Lam has the lowest approval rating of any chief executive in the history of the city, thanks to her botched handling of the crisis.
I ask whether Wong’s father, who is also involved in social activism, has been a big influence. Wrong question.
“The western media loves to frame Joshua Wong joining the fight because of reading the books of Nelson Mandela or Martin Luther King or because of how my parents raised me. In reality, I joined street activism not because of anyone book I read. Why do journalists always assume anyone who strives for a better society has a role model?” He glances down at his pinging phone and draws a breath, before continuing. “Can you really describe my dad as an activist? I support LGBTQ rights,” he says, with a fist pump. His father, Roger Wong, is a well-known anti-gay rights campaigner in Hong Kong.
I notice he has put down his spoon, with half a plate of fried rice untouched. I decide it would be a good idea to redirect our conversation by bonding over phone addictions. Wong, renowned for his laser focus and determination, replies to my emails and messages at all hours and has been described by his friends as “a robot.”
He scrolls through his Gmail, his inbox filled with unread emails, showing me how he categorises interview requests with country tags. His life is almost solely dedicated to activism. “My friends and I used to go to watch movies and play laser tag but now of course we don’t have time to play any more: we face real bullets every weekend.”
The protests — which have seen more than 3,300 people arrested — have been largely leaderless. “Do you ever question your relevance to the movement?” I venture, mid-spoonful of congealed fried rice.
“Never,” he replies with his mouth full. “We have a lot of facilitators in this movement and I’m one of them . . . it’s just like Wikipedia. You don’t know who the contributors are behind a Wikipedia page but you know there’s a lot of collaboration and crowdsourcing. Instead of just having a top-down command, we now have a bottom-up command hub which has allowed the movement to last far longer than Umbrella.
“With greater power comes greater responsibility, so the question is how, through my role, can I express the voices of the frontliners, of the street activism? For example, I defended the action of storming into the Legislative Council on July 1. I know I didn’t storm in myself . . . ” His phone pings twice. Finally he succumbs.
After tapping away for about 30 seconds, Wong launches back into our conversation, sounding genuinely sorry that he wasn’t there on the night when protesters destroyed symbols of the Chinese Communist party and briefly occupied the chamber.
“My job is to be the middleman to express, evaluate and reveal what is going on in the Hong Kong protests when the movement is about being faceless,” he says, adding that his Twitter storm of 29 tweets explaining the July 1 occupation reached at least four million people. I admit that I am overcome with exhaustion just scanning his Twitter account, which has more than 400,000 followers. “Well, that thread was actually written by Jeffrey Ngo from Demosisto,” he say, referring to the political activism group that he heads.
A network of Hong Kong activists studying abroad helps fuel his relentless public persona on social media and in the opinion pages of international newspapers. Within a week of his most recent arrest, he had published op-eds in The Economist, The New York Times, Quartz and the Apple Daily.
I wonder out loud if he ever feels overwhelmed at taking on the Chinese Communist party, a task daunting even for some of the world’s most formidable governments and companies. He peers at me over his wire-framed glasses. “It’s our responsibility; if we don’t do it, who will? At least we are not in Xinjiang or Tibet; we are in Hong Kong,” he says, referring to two regions on Chinese soil on the frontline of Beijing’s drive to develop a high-tech surveillance state. In Xinjiang, at least one million people are being held in internment camps. “Even though we’re directly under the rule of Beijing, we have a layer of protection because we’re recognised as a global city so [Beijing] is more hesitant to act.”
I hear the sound of the wok firing up in the kitchen and ask him the question on everyone’s minds in Hong Kong: what happens next? Like many people who are closely following the extraordinary situation in Hong Kong, he is hesitant to make firm predictions.
“Lots of think-tanks around the world say ‘Oh, we’re China experts. We’re born in western countries but we know how to read Chinese so we’re familiar with Chinese politics.’ They predicted the Communist party would collapse after the Tiananmen Square massacre and they’ve kept predicting this over the past three decades but hey, now it’s 2019 and we’re still under the rule of Beijing, ha ha,” he grins.
While we are prophesying, does Wong ever think he might become chief executive one day? “No local journalist in Hong Kong would really ask this question,” he admonishes. As our lunch has progressed, he has become bolder in dissecting my interview technique. The territory’s chief executive is currently selected by a group of 1,200, mostly Beijing loyalists, and he doubts the Chinese Communist party would ever allow him to run. A few weeks after we meet he announces his candidacy in the upcoming district council elections. He was eventually the only candidate disqualified from running — an order that, after our lunch, he tweeted had come from Beijing and was “clearly politically driven”.
We turn to the more ordinary stuff of 23-year-olds’ lives, as Wong slurps the remainder of his milk tea. “Before being jailed, the thing I was most worried about was that I wouldn’t be able to watch Avengers: Endgame,” he says.
“Luckily, it came out around early May so I watched it two weeks before I was locked up in prison.” He has already quoted Spider-Man twice during our lunch. I am unsurprised when Wong picks him as his favourite character.
“I think he’s more . . . ” He pauses, one of the few times in the interview. “Compared to having an unlimited superpower or unlimited power or unlimited talent just like Superman, I think Spider-Man is more human.” With that, our friendly neighbourhood activist dashes off to his next interview.
pro choice vs pro life 在 Adam Lobo TV Youtube 的精選貼文
Apple Airpods Pro Unboxing And 2020 Review: An Android User's Perspective | Still Worth It In 2020?
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pro choice vs pro life 在 KemushiChan ロレッタ Youtube 的最讚貼文
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