關於 nothing at stake ，我們在網路上蒐集到這些相關的討論、資訊與評價

關鍵搖擺州明尼蘇達的六位民主黨市長公開支持川普，因為「喬·拜登沒有做過任何事情來幫助工人階級」。他們說︰川普2016年當選是一個「美妙」的事件；我們沒有選擇離開民主黨，是黨離開了我們。

最早引發美國騷亂的明尼蘇達州，是民主黨的傳統票倉，過去幾十年都支持民主黨。不過，現在明州可能要由藍轉紅了。明尼蘇達州被稱為鐵嶺地區（Iron Range，也稱鐵鏽地帶），是製造業外移、工人階級大幅失業的全球化經濟受害區之一。

六位市長簽署了一封支持川普的信件，該信件於8月28日（週五）公佈。

簽字的是︰兩港市（Two Harbors）市長Chris Swanson、維吉尼亞市（Virgini）市長Larry Cuffe、奇斯霍爾姆市（Chisholm）市長John Champa、伊利市（Ely）市長 Chuck Novak、伊芙蕾斯市（Eveleth）市長Robert Vlaisavljevich、巴比特市（ Babbitt）市長Andrea Zupancich。

信中寫道︰我們看著我們選民的工作職位不僅離開了鐵嶺，還離開了我們的國家。通過對我們的產品徵收關稅和支持糟糕的貿易協議，像喬·拜登這樣的政客們對工人階級毫無幫助。

市長們表示，他們所在地區失去了數千個工作職位，而一代又一代的年輕人離開了鐵嶺，以便在其他地方找到高薪的工作養家糊口。

此外，他們還指出︰今天，我們不承認民主黨，它已經如此左傾，它不能再聲稱是工人階級的代言人。勤勞的明尼蘇達人在山脈這裡建立了自己的生活，養家糊口，卻被激進的民主黨人拋棄了。「我們沒有選擇離開民主黨，是黨離開了我們」。

市長們接著說，川普2016年當選是一個「美妙」的事件，標誌著該地區的一個轉折點。

「川普站出來反對中國，實施減稅，為工人階級而戰」他們寫道，「像喬·拜登這樣的終身政客與工人階級脫節，與國家需要的東西脫節，與我們這些鐵嶺地區和全國各地像我們這樣的小城鎮的人脫節」。

這封信最後說，「在這次選舉中，仍有很多的風險，但最大的風險是我們的工作、經濟和生活方式。川普總統過去帶來了美國歷史上最好的經濟，他也將再次為我們帶回。他將繼續為每個美國人而戰，不論黨派關係，他會繼續為工人階級挺身而出」。

公開信原文︰

August 28, 2020

Fellow Americans,

As Greater Minnesota Mayors from Democratic cities on the Iron Range of Minnesota, we write today to formally endorse the re-election of President Donald J. Trump and Vice President Mike Pence.

Like many in our region, we have voted for Democrats over many decades. We have watched as our constituents' jobs left not only the Iron Range, but our country. By putting tariffs on our products and supporting bad trade deals, politicians like Joe Biden did nothing to help the working class. We lost thousands of jobs, and generations of young people have left the Iron Range in order to provide for their families with good paying jobs elsewhere. Today, we don't recognize the Democratic Party. It has been moved so far to the left it can no longer claim to be advocates of the working class. The hard-working Minnesotans that built their lives and supported their families here on the Range have been abandoned by radical Democrats. We didn’t choose to leave the Democratic Party, the party left us.

Yet, four years ago, something wonderful happened. Donald J. Trump was elected President of the United States, and he stood up to China, implemented tax cuts and fought for the working class. Now, four years later, the Iron Range is roaring back to life and for the first time in a very long time, locals are hopeful because of this President's policies and willingness to fight for us. Lifelong politicians like Joe Biden are out of touch with the working class, out of touch with what the country needs, and out of touch with those of us here on the Iron Range and in small towns like ours across our nation.

In this election, there is a lot at stake, but the biggest risk is our jobs, our economy, and our way of life. President Trump delivered the best economy in our nation’s history, and President Trump will deliver for us again. He will continue to fight for every American, regardless of party affiliation and continue to stand up for the working class.

Today, we write to formally endorse President Donald J. Trump and Vice President Mike Pence for four more years.

下圖為六位市長及公開信簽名

【#TheDiplomat: 沈旭暉隨緣家書英文版🇭🇰】很久沒有向國際關係評論網 The Diplomat 供稿，但國際線十分重要，不應放棄。這次他們希望分享23條、國安法、反恐法風雨欲來的「新香港」前瞻，願國際社會能多了解快將出現的危機：

While the world is preoccupied with a fight against the COVID-19 pandemic, Beijing has been tightening its political grip on all aspects of Hong Kong’s civil society. Rumor has it that Beijing will push through legislating national security laws under Article 23 of Hong Kong’s Basic Law by unconventional means, such as massively disqualifying pro-democratic legislators or even directly applying a national law, widely argued as a major step to destroy the rights and freedom of Hong Kongers, and bring Chinese authoritarianism to Hong Kong.

After the 2019 protests, the administration of Carrie Lam, who theoretically is still leading the special administrative region of China, has little political capital at stake, with its legitimacy reaching rock bottom. The pro-government camp has dwindling prospects for the city’s upcoming Legislative Council election. The government‘s ”nothing to lose“ mentality is apparent from its recent blatant reinterpretation of the Basic Law’s Article 22 (another article that limits the influence of China’s offices in Hong Kong’s internal affairs). The debate is nothing new, but the pressure this time is quite different.

This article highlights the different strategies Beijing could adopt to enact Article 23 insidiously or under disguise to avoid backlash from the international community, while continuing to reap benefits from the city’s globally recognized special status. This seems to be part of Beijing’s brinkmanship to bring Hong Kong protesters and their supporters to their knees and move the city closer to authoritarianism. To counter these moves, Hong Kongers must define the boundaries beyond which Hong Kong falls into authoritarian rule and make a case as to why the city’s downfall is detrimental to the international community‘s interest.

The Long-Term Controversy Over National Security Laws

Back in 2003, the implementation of Article 23 was thwarted by the moderate pro-establishment politician James Tien. In face of overwhelming public disapproval of the law, he withdrew support and votes from his Liberal Party. However, 17 years later, it is hard to imagine Beijing following the old legislative playbook: start with a public consultation, followed by public discourse and political debate, and end with the majority rule. This playbook only works in peaceful societies ruled by a trustworthy government with integrity.

The aftermath of 2003, as well as the 2019 protests, should have taught Beijing and the Hong Kong government a lesson: pushing through national security legislation in a flawed parliament controlled by the minority pro-government camp would inevitably set off another full city-scale protest — and undoubtedly more fierce and focused this time. Given the current government’s numerous displays of dishonesty, it is conceivable that they will embark on a less-traveled path to implement Article 23.

Strategy One: “Anti-Terrorism”

In principle, one possible strategy could be to directly enact Chinese national law across Hong Kong, which can be achieved by declaring a state of emergency in the city. However, this is risky business as it would tarnish the integrity of “one country two systems” and subsequently Hong Kong’s international standing. Beijing, a risk-averse regime, is also unwilling to see Hong Kong’s status as a middleman for laundering money disappear into thin air.

Instead, Beijing could be concocting a narrative that would see Chinese national law applied to Hong Kong while not damaging Hong Kong’s international standing and Beijing’s own interests. The key word in this script is “anti-terrorism.” As early as 2014, pro-Beijing scholars have been claiming the emergence of “local terrorist ideology” on Hong Kong soil. Since the anti-extradition bill protests last year, government rhetoric frequently described the protests, which caused no deaths at all in the entire year, with phrases like “inclination to terrorist ideology.” That was a signal to the world that Hong Kong’s internal conflicts had ballooned into a national security issue. This gives the government the legitimacy to justify the implementation of Chinese national laws across the highly autonomous region to counter terrorism. The Chinese government knows that if it can persuade the world that terrorism exists in Hong Kong, and that it is as severe as the terror threat facing many other nations today, the international community will be less critical of Beijing’s actions in Hong Kong. Enacting Chinese laws directly is a convenient path that will save Beijing from having to tackle Hong Kong’s internal conflicts, basically turning the Hong Kong issue into a nonissue.

Strategy Two: Stacking the Legislature by Disqualifying Candidates

An even bolder strategy was probably foretold by a recent incident where the Hong Kong government and Beijing’s agencies for Hong Kong affairs (HKMAO and the Liaison Office) jointly criticized lawmaker Dennis Kwok for filibustering, framing it as “misconduct in public office” and “violating his oath.” It is incomprehensible to claim that filibustering goes against a lawmaker’s main duty; rather, it is common understanding that legislative work includes debating the law and representing public opinion against unreasonable laws. In a parliament controlled by the minority, pro-democratic members representing the majority of Hong Kongers are forced to express their objections using means like filibustering. Wouldn’t a lack of different political opinions turn the legislative branch into a rubber-stamp institution?

The above allegation has set a dangerous precedent for twisting the logic behind a certain provision in the Basic Law to target opposing lawmakers. In other words, to fulfill Beijing’s interpretation of the principal requirement for holding public office in Hong Kong, one could be required to take a meticulously legalistic approach to uphold the Basic Law down to its every single wording. A public official, by this new definition, not only needs to support “one country, two systems” or object Hong Kong independence, but also must abide by every single provision in the Basic Law. Worst of all, based on the previous cases, whether an official’s words or actions oversteps a provision is up to Beijing’s interpretation of his/her “intent.”

If this approach is applied, in the next election, there might be additional official questions for screening candidates like the following: “The Basic Law states that the enactment of Article 23 is a constitutional duty. Failing to support Article 23 legislation violates the Basic Law. Do you support it?” This question would suffice to disqualify even moderate or even pro-establishment candidates like James Tien. Even if any pro-democratic candidates were elected, once Article 23 re-enters the legislative process, they could risk ouster by raising objections.

Despite the absurdity of this tactic, the Chinese regime may just be tempted enough if such a strategy could resolve two of China’s current nuisances — voices of dissent in the Legislative Council and the previous failure to implement Article 23.

Strategy Three: The “Boiling Frog Effect”

Article 23 is not yet implemented, but the dystopian world that the protesters pictured in 2003 is already becoming reality. Regular citizens have been persecuted for “sedition” for sharing their views on social media or participating in legal protests; workers face retaliation for taking part in strikes; corporations are pressured to publicly side with the government’s stance; employees who have the “wrong” political views are fired; schools have been closely monitored for teaching material; protest-supporting fundraisers were framed for money laundering; a retweet or like may lead to persecution, under a colonial-era law. Only now have Hong Kongers woken up to their new reality — although the Basic Law technically protects citizens’ rights to speak, rally, march, demonstrate, and go on strike, the government could enfeeble civil rights by bending antiquated laws and legal provisions. The frequent abuse of law enforcement power on a small scale, such as improper arrests and police violence, is desensitizing the public and the international community. In a few years, Hong Kong will become unrecognizable. This is indeed a clever play on Beijing’s part to slowly strip away Hong Kong’s autonomy and freedom, without causing much international attention.

Counter-Strategies Against Beijing’s Brinkmanship

Beijing’s overarching goal is to hollow out Hong Kong but, at the same time, avoid major backlash from the international community, which could spell the end of the privileged global status of Hong Kong not granted to other Chinese cities. Beijing also aims at preventing single incidents that could cascade down into mass protests as seen in 2003, 2014, and 2019; and eliminating any resistance forces from within Hong Kong’s legislature. The tactics outlined above are typical in a game of brinkmanship.

In response, Hong Kongers in Hong Kong and on the so-called “international frontline” must know their strengths and bargaining chips on this negotiating table with Beijing.

Unlike Xinjiang and Tibet, Hong Kong is a city with transparency and free flow of information. Hong Kongers need to make a case to the world that the protests are not acts of terrorism. Some suggestions include comparing the Hong Kong protests to similar struggles in 20 or so other counties in the world at the present time, none of which were classified as terrorism; collecting a large amount of concrete evidence of the disproportionate use of force by the Hong Kong police; and showing how enacting Chinese national laws in Hong Kong will end the city’s autonomy and spell disaster for international community‘s interests.

The Legislative Council is the institution that can counteract Beijing’s “boiling frog” strategy and to keep Hong Kongers’ hope alive in the system. Those who plan to run for legislative office must be prepared to be disqualified from running. If only individuals are banned, there need to be alternative candidates as back-up plans. However, if and when the disqualification process is applied broadly to entire camps of candidates (for example, all who object to Article 23), the pro-democracy camp must make a strong case to the Hong Kong and global public that this is the endgame for Hong Kong democracy. Then the incumbent popularly elected legislators will hold the internationally recognized mandate from the public and serve as the last resistance.

These recommendations delineates how the slogan “if we burn, you burn with us,” often seen in the protests, may play out in the game of international relations. If the national security laws are “passed” by a legislature that is jury-rigged in this manner, or if related national laws are directly implemented in Hong Kong, Hong Kongers should signal clearly to the world that it goes way beyond the promised “one country, two systems.” Crossing this red line by Beijing should be seen by the world as a blunt violation of its promised autonomy to Hong Kongers. At that time, if the international community led by the United States and the United Kingdom decided to revoke the “non-sovereignty entity” status of Hong Kong and regard the SAR as an ordinary Chinese city, it shouldn’t come as a surprise.

Dr. Simon Shen is the Founding Chairman of GLOs (Glocal Learning Offices), an international relations start-up company. He also serves as an adjunct associate professor in the University of Hong Kong, Chinese University of Hong Kong and the Hong Kong University of Science and Technology, and associate director of the Master of Global Political Economy Programme of the CUHK. The author acknowledges Jean Lin, Coco Ho, Chris Wong, Michelle King, and Alex Yap for their assistance in this piece.

▶️ 高度自治 vs 全面管治
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pwt8wZl8jHQ

SOS SOS SOS

Police has been attacking Chinese University of Hong Kong whole day.
Thousands of tear gas canisters, and other ammunition were shot. The whole university is in a war zone.
University Chancellor went to negotiate but the police didn't keep their promise of retreat for at least 4 times. They are, at this time, still continuing the attack and even employed water cannon earlier.

The students have nothing other than school furniture to protect themselves and fight back.
The whole university and the students are at stake.

At least 60+ students were wounded and no ambulance can be reached. They are staying in a gym facility as temporary hospital. It is unsure some of them were seriously hurt and unconscious.

I cannot express enough how sad we are.
This is mayhem. Please spread the words before another massacre continue.

Photo credit: various news media

Chris Mullin was making just his second start of the season, but it was the finish for the 36-year-old that was really sweet.

Mullin scored nine of his season-high 21 points in the fourth quarter, including a 3-pointer with 1:52 left that pushed the lead to four points, as the Pacers fought back from a 10-point deficit to defeat the Philadelphia 76ers, 92-90.

Mullin's vintage performance ended the 76ers' hopes of catching the New York Knicks for third place in the Eastern Conference, and left them just one-half game ahead of the fifth-place Charlotte Hornets, who hold the tiebreaker after winning the season series, 3-1. The 76ers (48-33) had won three straight coming into the game.

"We had a great opportunity to get home-court advantage, we controlled our own destiny and we didn't get it done," guard Eric Snow said. "We have to win our game tomorrow (in Chicago) and home. Who knows, Charlotte may give us one. If not, we'll go on the road and win."

With the Pacers (55-26) already having clinched their first Eastern Conference title, their aging starting backcourt, Reggie Miller and Mark Jackson, were given the night off. Mullin and Jalen Rose got the nod in their place. It was Rose's 28th start of the season.

"We have a lot of guys on this team who can play and play well," Indiana forward Austin Croshere said. "With two starters and big point scorers sitting out, the other guys wanted to prove that they can play as well, and we did that tonight."

The only thing Mullin has to prove is that he can still produce the way he did in his best years with Golden State. For six straight seasons, from 1987-88 to 1992-93, Mullin averaged more than 20 points a game. But injuries have slowed him considerably in recent years.

The Sixers led 78-68 after three quarters, but Mullin unleashed three 3-pointers and the Pacers' defense held Philadelphia without a basket for a 10:48 span. The Sixers missed 13 straight shots, and when Mullin hit an open 3-pointer from the left corner, Indiana led 89-85 with 1:52 to play.

Toni Kukoc drilled a 3-pointer over Mullin with 42 seconds to play, but Rose hit two free throws with 27 seconds left, putting the Pacers up 91-88.

Rose fouled Snow and the Sixers guard hit both free throws with 20 seconds left, and Philadelphia's chances seemed to improve when Travis Best hit just one of two with 18 seconds to go, leaving the Pacers ahead 92-90.

Snow drove into the paint and flipped a pass out to Kukoc, alone 12 feet from the basket, but the Croatian missed the jumper and the ball skipped out of bounds as time expired.

"Our defense was real good," Indiana coach Larry Bird said. "Down the stretch, we had trouble scoring for a while but our defense kept us in it. We made some plays."

The Sixers looked like the team with nothing at stake early in the game, but Kukoc energized them with his passing in the second quarter and Allen Iverson provided the spark in the third, when Philadelphia built a 10-point lead.

The Sixers opened the quarter with a 10-2 run, powered by George Lynch's six points, and when Theo Ratlif dunked with 8:49 to go, the Sixers were up, 56-54.

Iverson scored 10 points over the final 5:41 of the third, beginning with his layup that gave Philadelphia a 60-59 edge. Despite the sore elbow that kept him from looking for his outside shot Saturday night, Iverson hit a pair of 3-pointers as the Sixers built a 78-68 lead heading into the final 12 minutes.

The Pacers' big starting lineup helped them go on a 9-0 run to take a 29-15 lead late in the first quarter. Austin Croshere dunked back the rebound of Rik Smits' missed jumper and Smits hit a 12-footer before Mullin made back-to-back steals, nailing an open 3-pointer off the first and going in for a layup that gave the Pacers the 14-point lead with 56 seconds left.

Rose finished with 20 points and nine assists, and Smits had 16 points and 10 rebounds for the Pacers, who admitted they were looking for payback for a 111-101 loss they suffered to the Sixers at Conseco Fieldhouse on March 26.

"We have a great record in what we call `payback' games," Rose said. "It was a great win for our team."

"Chris Mullin gave us a big lift," Bird said. "Rik Smits has been about as good as I've seen him in a long time. We had a total effort from everybody. We played hard and that's good to see, especially when you really don't have much to play for."

Iverson led Philadelphia with 24 points, Lynch scored 16, Tyrone Hill grabbed 14 rebounds and Snow dished out 12 assists.

"I understand that to win a championship, you have to win on somebody else's home court anyway," Iverson said. "I always turn a negative into a positive, and the positive is that we'll have some experience with playing on the road if we do have the fifth seed."

J.R. Smith made so many boneheaded plays in last year's postseason that he got a benching and a public scolding from his coach.


After working his way out of George Karl's doghouse this season, the new and improved Smith has led the Denver Nuggets to the cusp of a return trip to the NBA playoffs.

The super sub's 23-point performance sparked Denver to a 111-94 rout of the Houston Rockets on Sunday night that both clarified and cluttered the wild Western Conference playoff race.

"That's all he's got to do is come into the game and the energy is there," said Allen Iverson, who scored 33 points. "It hypes us up. You look at the things he does on the floor, it excites us as teammates. Just see the way he can shoot the ball, the way he can dribble the ball, the way he can jump, he has the whole package.

"There's nothing on the court he can't do."

It was the 13th time Smith has come off the bench to score 20 or more points, most in the NBA among players who haven't started a single game.

"He's been a big spark for us, bringing that energy and excitement we were looking for," Carmelo Anthony said. "He's come around for us. It's just great to see him out there playing the way he's playing and knowing he's a big part of our success."

Now all the Nuggets have to do to reach the playoffs for the fifth straight time is beat lowly Memphis on Wednesday night at home.

Denver (49-32) moved a half-game ahead of Golden State for the eighth and final playoff spot. The Nuggets might even be able to catch Dallas for the seventh seed if the Mavericks lose at home to New Orleans on Wednesday night.

As for the Rockets (54-26), they can still secure the top seed in the West, but they're going to need plenty of help to do it.

First off, they need to win their last two games, at Utah on Monday night and at home against the Los Angeles Clippers on Wednesday night. They also need the two teams ahead of them to lose Tuesday night: the conference-leading Los Angeles Lakers host Sacramento and New Orleans hosts the Clippers.

McGrady was flabbergasted that the Rockets played so poorly with so much to play for on this night.

"That team needed a win badly and we played like it really didn't matter to us," McGrady said. "And at this point in the season, although we clinched, we still have to bring it every night."

The Rockets fell 1½ games behind the Lakers atop the crazy conference, where Golden State could become the first team in NBA history to win 50 games and miss the playoffs.

"I'm not so concerned about the No. 1 spot," McGrady said. "I'm more concerned about how we're playing right now."

Bouncing in and out of the eighth and final playoff spot for a month, no team has had more of a roller-coaster ride than the Nuggets, who won a huge game at Golden State only to lose at Utah on Saturday night before bouncing back against the Rockets.

"It's impossible to feel good because for three weeks we've been feeling stressed," Karl said. "You never play three playoff teams in three games in four nights in three different cities that had huge, huge ramifications. We survived it; we won two out of three, but we're still not out of the woods."

To have a shot at keeping the Nuggets out of the postseason party, the Warriors need to win at Phoenix on Monday night and beat Seattle on Wednesday.

But even that won't matter if the Nuggets handle their business against the lottery-bound Grizzlies, who will be playing the second game of a back-to-back against a Denver team that will have had two days off.

Iverson said the enigmatic Nuggets certainly won't blow it now that they finally have their postseason destiny in their own hands.

"We understand what's at stake, and we don't underestimate them because we know they have talented guys on their team," Iverson said.

This was a surprisingly easy win for the Nuggets, who raced to 43 fastbreak points as the Rockets shot 34 percent. Denver pulled away with a 10-0 first-half run sparked by consecutive 3-pointers from Smith.

Luther Head lead Houston with 19 points and McGrady scored 16. Marcus Camby grabbed 14 rebounds, all but one of them off the defensive glass, and blocked seven shots for Denver, which led 61-44 at halftime and never looked back.

"We didn't have any energy at all," Houston forward Chuck Hayes said. "They were the team that played the night before, but we played like we had. Maybe it meant more to them and we paid for it."

Game notes
Anthony was held to 11 points on 3-of-14 shooting despite the absence of Rockets defensive specialist Shane Battier, who missed his second straight game with a bruised left foot and ankle after playing in 221 consecutive games. ... Houston G Bobby Jackson (left knee) also sat out.