關於 make delivery 中文 ，我們在網路上蒐集到這些相關的討論、資訊與評價

[時事英文] 美國阿札爾部長的「Tsai總統」發音！

Is this whole discussion really about diplomatic courtesy and English pronunciation, or is it just another ploy to attract media attention?

這些「發音的討論」是基於外交禮節、英文的發音亦或只是獲得媒體關注的手段？

Probably all three? A better way to improve public image might be to invest more in community service, connect with the constituency, and cultivate new talents.

1. diplomatic courtesy 外交禮節
2. ploy 計謀、策略、手段
3. lift public image 提升形象
4. community service 社區服務
5. constituency 選區；選區的選民
6. new talents 新秀

也許以上皆是? 提升公眾形象更好的途徑可以是透過投入社區服務、增加與選民的互動以及培養有潛力的新秀。

Focus on issues that count, not make petty arguments.

★★★★★★★★★★★★

HHS Secretary Alex Azar Statement on Meeting with President Tsai Ing-wen (As Prepared for Delivery)

Thank you, President Tsai [ts-eye], for welcoming me to Taiwan today. It is a true honor to be here to convey a message of strong support and friendship from President Trump to Taiwan.

I would like to congratulate President Tsai on beginning her second term earlier this year. As Secretary Pompeo said in marking her inauguration in May, President Tsai’s courage and vision in leading Taiwan’s vibrant democracy are an inspiration to the region and the world.

7. convey a message of… 傳遞...的訊息
8. Secretary 國務卿
9. inauguration 就職
10. a vibrant democracy 有活力的民主
11. an inspiration to… 為…的表率

美國衛生部部長阿薩爾與蔡總統會面致詞稿

謝謝蔡總統今天歡迎我到訪台灣，能夠在這裡傳達川普總統對
台灣的強力支持和友誼是我誠摯的榮幸。我要祝賀蔡總統在今年初展開第二任期。正如國務卿蓬佩奧就蔡總統五月份就職典禮所發表的聲明所說，蔡總統帶領活力民主台灣的勇氣和願景，堪稱印太地區及全世界的表率。

★★★★★★★★★★★★

I also want to offer my condolences to everyone in Taiwan on the loss of your former President Lee Teng-hui, the father of Taiwan’s democracy and one of the great leaders of the 20th century’s movement toward democracy.

12. offer condolences 表達哀悼之情
13. the father of Taiwan’s democracy 台灣民主之父
14. movement 運動

我也想對前總統李登輝的逝世，向台灣人民表達哀悼之意。李前總統是台灣民主之父，也是二十世紀民主運動的偉大領袖。

★★★★★★★★★★★★

Under President Trump, the United States has expressed our admiration for Taiwan’s democratic success in tangible ways. President Trump has signed legislation to strengthen the partnership between Taiwan and the United States, and in 2018, we opened a new American Institute in Taiwan, a brick-and-mortar commitment to our treasured friendship.

15. in a tangible way 切實地; 以確實的方式*
16. sign (v.) legislation to 簽署法案
17. partnership 夥伴關係
18. a brick-to-mortar commitment 堅定的承諾 (brick and mortar 指實體房屋，這裡指如磚牆般堅固的承諾)

在川普總統的領導下，美國對台灣的成功民主制度表示讚賞。川普總統也簽署了相關法案，強化美台的夥伴關係。2018年，我們啟用了美國在台協會新館，象徵著美國對美台友誼的珍視及堅定承諾。

*tangible: https://bit.ly/3fQPPZs

★★★★★★★★★★★★

The particular focus of both my discussion with President Tsai and of our trip is highlighting Taiwan’s success on health, in combating COVID-19, and cooperating with the United States to prevent, detect, and respond to health threats.

19. the focus of... ...的焦點
20. highlight one’s success on… 強調在…的成功(這裡指台灣的防疫的成就)
21. cooperate with 與…的合作
22. detect (v.) 發現、察覺
23. health threats 健康的威脅(這裡指疫情)

我與蔡總統的對談以及本次訪台的重點在於，強調台灣在公共衛生及對抗新冠病毒疫情的卓越成就，以及台灣與美國在預防、發現及應對疫情上的通力合作。

★★★★★★★★★★★★

Taiwan’s response to COVID-19 has been among the most successful in the world, and that is a tribute to the open, transparent, democratic nature of Taiwan’s society and culture. Taiwan had tremendous success in detecting COVID-19, managing the outbreak, and sharing this valuable information with other nations. Taiwan’s success in health and industry has allowed it to extend a helping hand to others, sending needed supplies around the world, including to the United States and Pacific Island nations.

24. be a tribute to sth/sb 是（優秀、強大或有效性）的明證
25. transparent 透明的
26. tremendous success 巨大的成功
27. manage outbreak控制(疫情的)爆發
28. extend a helping hand to others 向他人伸出援手

台灣的防疫措施可謂世界上數一數二的成功典範，而這都歸因於台灣社會及文化的開放、透明和民主。台灣在發現新冠病毒、控制疫情，以及與其他國家分享寶貴資訊上都取得非凡的成果。台灣的公衛專業和產業實力也得以協助他人，提供美國和太平洋島國等世界各國夥伴所需的物資。

★★★★★★★★★★★★

Again, I am grateful to President Tsai for welcoming us to Taiwan and I look forward to using this visit to convey our admiration for Taiwan and to learn about how our shared democratic values have driven success in health.

29. convey(v.) admiration 表達欽佩
30. shared democratic values 共享民主價值
31. have driven success in… 帶動…領域的成功

我要再次感謝蔡總統的熱情歡迎，我也期待藉此訪問傳達美國對台灣的欽佩之意，並了解我們的共享民主價值如何帶動公共衛生領域的成功。

★★★★★★★★★★★★

AIT 中英文演講稿：
https://bit.ly/3kzKCcg (英文)
https://bit.ly/3gNAjPg (中文)

圖片出處： https://bit.ly/3fHD8Ac

完整影片: https://youtu.be/unB8N5d2Fm4

★★★★★★★★★★★★

時事英文講義：https://bit.ly/2XmRYXc

時事英文大全：http://bit.ly/2WtAqop

讓我們聚焦於有意義的議題，免去枝微末節。

各位，生成器也許已沒有用了。選管會一天就收到4500封電郵。看來，大家炸他電郵還是有點用的。

以下乃沈大師言為「內部AO提供範本」。的確是官話文章，請先仔細閱讀，才選擇是否發出電郵吧。

你還有5小時。

请广传，好人一生平安。

[#官方資訊] 早前分享了一位高級政務官朋友就《逃犯條例》爭議的感受，得到數千轉載，迴響十分熱烈，也有不少公務員私訊回應。本頁對象一直以黃藍以外的專業人士為主，雖然平日只分享國際視野資訊，但在關鍵時刻，也希望為一些平日對社會抽離的朋友，提供更多資訊參考。以下是我的另一位AO朋友擔心局勢惡化，希望以自己的方式真正為特區政府服務，因此以私人身份草擬的意見書，回應特區政府選舉管理委員會關於區議會選舉的官方諮詢，並使用了完美官僚理據、格式和文法，就DQ候選人提供了詳細意見。根據官方資訊，《逃犯條例》收到4500份意見書，其中3000份「贊成」，因此發出意見書並非毫無價值。這位AO表示，大家可以直接使用這格式，根據個人觀點加減內容直接電郵遞交，因為香港人大家都忙，這過程只需一分鐘，應該最符合成本效益。截止日期是7月10日或之前，請廣傳，好人一生平安。

10 July 2019

Chairman
Electoral Affairs Commission (EAC)
By Email: eacenq@eac.hk

Dear Chairman,

Public consultation on District Council Election proposed guidelines

I write to object to Chapter 3 of the Proposed Guidelines, as it gives Government an unjust, unfair, and unchecked power to disqualify any candidate during the nomination period by reason of Government’s own political motives.

Chapter 3.1 of the Proposed Guidelines says that : “Under the law, the validity of a candidate’s nomination is to be determined by the Returning Officer (RO). The EAC is neither empowered nor involved in the making of such decision and would not provide any advice on the decision made by the RO”.

Chapter 3.9(b) of the Proposed Guidelines describes the requirement by which a candidate must declare (through signing a “Confirmation Form” by the EAC) that he would uphold the Basic Law and pledge allegiance to the HKSAR.

It is totally unclear whether a Confirmation Form duly signed by a candidate is itself sufficient to discharge the candidate’s duty to declare his willingness to uphold the Basic Law and pledge allegiance to the HKSAR when he is elected to the office.

Previous elections showed that an RO, who was a civil servant (pitched at Administrative Officer Staff Grade C / District Officer) appointed to the role of RO prior to the election, could make subjective and arbitrary judgment about a candidate’s state of mind and political orientation, with selective reference to some or a few past writings, speeches, statements, expression of opinions, posts in social media platforms in relation to the candidate, instead of merely looking at a Confirmation Form duly signed.

I find it outrageous to see that Ms. Anne Teng, then District Officer (Eastern) appointed to the role of RO in a legislative council by-election last year, could refuse to acknowledge a confirmation form signed by Miss Agnes Chow Ting and disqualify her, citing absurd and arbitrary reasons with reference to some of Miss Chow’s previous remarks or those of her political party, and without giving Miss Chow a fair opportunity to respond to those reasons uttered unreasonably by the RO.

The Proposed Guidelines shows that the EAC has failed its duty to introduce any additional safeguard or measures to plug this unreasonable, unlawful and unconstitutional loophole, which may still be freely exploited by any RO in the next election driven by bad faith and political motive.

It is unacceptable that the EAC could confess that it is “neither empowered nor involved in the making of such decision and would not provide any advice on the decision made by the RO” (Chapter 3.1). I question how the EAC can still “ensure that an election is conducted openly, fairly and honestly at all times” – its statutory duty enshrined in the Electoral Affairs Commission Ordinance - when it is not involved in scrutinising or monitoring the exercise of an RO’s power in disqualifying any candidate at the RO’s own political preference.

The Guidelines did not describe in detail how an RO could, on his or her own, research during the short nomination period the political belief and past sayings of any candidate. The Guidelines are also silent as to whether the RO would have received biased or secret advice from any agency such as Department of Justice, Constitutional and Mainland Affairs Bureau, Home Affairs Department, Information Services Department, etc., which may have compiled a detailed recollection of a candidate’s previous remarks in advance. It was suggested by some that such a compilation of speech or opinion records prepared by any agency other than the RO could have assisted the RO unlawfully in reaching a dangerous disqualification decision to deprive a candidate of the right to stand for the election.

I must remind the EAC that the right to stand for election is a fundamental right guaranteed under the Basic Law and the Hong Kong Bill of Rights. The United Nations Human Rights Committee’s General Comment 25 also states that “political opinion may not be used as a ground to deprive any person of the right to stand for election.”

I am disappointed to see that the proposed Guidelines have not offered anything substantive to protect a candidate from the RO’s unlawful interference in the election by disqualifying candidates he or she dislikes. The EAC must look at this carefully to see what it can do.

The current remedy about determining the lawfulness of an RO’s disqualification decision through an election petition to be adjudicated later by the court one or two years after the actual election is totally unsatisfactory, with the lapse of time which delays the timely delivery of a just outcome.

I stress that I object to Chapter 3 of the Proposed Guidelines in its entirety. I urge you to review all the processes described in Chapter 3 again and independently. In so doing, you must resist all political considerations wrongly dictated by the Chief Executive, Constitutional and Mainland Affairs Bureau, Department of Justice, or other government agency seeking to disturb the fairness and integrity of the forthcoming district council election.

Yours sincerely,

XXXX

更新：有熱心網友翻譯為中文版，並對原文作出修訂，請隨便share／修改：

10 July 2019

選舉管理委員會主席 鈞啓

選舉管理委員會主席鈞鑒： 關於區議會選舉活動建議指引公眾諮詢事宜

本人謹致函對建議指引第三章表達反對意見。建議指引第三章將賦予政府不公平、不公正以及不被箝制的權力，容許政府於提名階段取消香港市民的參選資格，以迎合政府自身的政治目的。

建議指引第三章第一部分（3.1）指：「根據法例，候選人的提名是否有效 ，完全是由選舉主任作出決定，選管會無權並一向沒有參與， 亦不會給予任何意見。」
建議指引第三章3.9(b) 要求候選人透過簽署選管會擬備的確認書表明他／她擁護《基本法》並保證對香港特別行政區效忠。

至於候選人是否能夠簽署確認書就能滿足擁護《基本法》並保證對香港特別行政區效忠的要求，建議指引對此完全沒有清晰交代。

過往選舉顯示，首長級丙級政務官／民政事務專員級別的公務員於選舉前獲委任為選舉主任，便能夠就候選人的思緒及政治取向作出主觀且隨意獨斷的決定，並只需揀選候選人往日曾經發表的文章、言論、宣言、意見表達、社交媒體帖文以及社交媒體專頁發佈關於對候選人的帖文穿鑿附會，當作輔證，而非僅以候選人是否有簽署確認書為單獨基礎作判斷。

去年立法會補選，時任東區民政事務專員鄧如欣獲委任為選舉主任，居然拒絕周庭小姐簽署的確認書，以周庭小姐及其所屬政黨昔日的言論去佐證選舉主任荒唐的理由，去褫奪周庭小姐的參選資格，並且沒有給予周庭小姐公平機會回應選舉主任的無理指控，實在令人憤慨。

由建議指引可見，選舉管理委員會並無引入任何措施或保障，去堵塞上述不合理、不合法、不合憲的漏洞。今後選舉主任依然可以使用此漏洞，依據其個人的政治目的或理念，惡意褫奪任何香港市民的參選資格。

選舉管理委員會於第三章第一部分（3.1）指：「根據法例，候選人的提名是否有效 ，完全是由選舉主任作出決定，選管會無權並一向沒有參與， 亦不會給予任何意見。」此點完全不可接受。當選舉管理委員會對選舉主任按其個人政治取向褫奪候選人參選資格的權力不作任何箝制、監察或審查， 又能如何履行其法定職責，「確保在香港舉行的選舉是以公開、公平和誠實的方式進行」呢？

建議指引並無對選舉主任如何可於短促的提名期內研究並審查任何候選人的政治理念及昔日言論有任何著墨。 建議指引亦未有論及選舉主任會否收到其他機構的秘密意見或者偏頗意見。上述的其他機構，例如律政司、內地及政制事務局、民政事務總署或政府新聞處等，可能預先詳細記錄相關候選人的昔日言論。據悉，上述由第三方準備的詳細記錄可能不合法地導致選舉主任作出褫奪候選人選舉資格的危險決定。

本人必須提醒選舉管理委員會，被選舉權是獲香港基本法及香港人權法案保障的基本權利。聯合國人權事務委員會第25號一般性意見亦指出：「不得以政治見解為由剝奪任何人參加競選的權利。」

本人對建議指引並未就保障候選人不被選舉主任按其個人喜惡褫奪資格，防止選舉主任非法干預選舉採取任何措施深感失望。選舉管理委員會必須詳細檢視自己對上述問題有何解決方法。

就選舉主任褫奪參選資格的合法性，目前透過選舉呈請，並於選舉完結一兩年後由法庭裁決的安排實在強差人意。當中所耗的時間令公義遲來。
本人對建議指引第三章完全反對。本人懇求主席重新並獨立審視第三章所包含的所有程序。在重新審視的時候，懇請閣下撇除並抗拒所有政治考量，尤其是來自行政長官、政制及事務內地局、律政司及其他政府機構企圖干預未來區議會選舉的誠信和公平性的政治考量。

敬祝 鈞安 XXXXXXXX 敬上

2019年7月9日

學習官僚語言其實好緊要

[#官方資訊] 早前分享了一位高級政務官朋友就《逃犯條例》爭議的感受，得到數千轉載，迴響十分熱烈，也有不少公務員私訊回應。本頁對象一直以黃藍以外的專業人士為主，雖然平日只分享國際視野資訊，但在關鍵時刻，也希望為一些平日對社會抽離的朋友，提供更多資訊參考。以下是我的另一位AO朋友擔心局勢惡化，希望以自己的方式真正為特區政府服務，因此以私人身份草擬的意見書，回應特區政府選舉管理委員會關於區議會選舉的官方諮詢，並使用了完美官僚理據、格式和文法，就DQ候選人提供了詳細意見。根據官方資訊，《逃犯條例》收到4500份意見書，其中3000份「贊成」，因此發出意見書並非毫無價值。這位AO表示，大家可以直接使用這格式，根據個人觀點加減內容直接電郵遞交，因為香港人大家都忙，這過程只需一分鐘，應該最符合成本效益。截止日期是7月10日或之前，請廣傳，好人一生平安。

10 July 2019

Chairman
Electoral Affairs Commission (EAC)
By Email: eacenq@eac.hk

Dear Chairman,

Public consultation on District Council Election proposed guidelines

I write to object to Chapter 3 of the Proposed Guidelines, as it gives Government an unjust, unfair, and unchecked power to disqualify any candidate during the nomination period by reason of Government’s own political motives.

Chapter 3.1 of the Proposed Guidelines says that : “Under the law, the validity of a candidate’s nomination is to be determined by the Returning Officer (RO). The EAC is neither empowered nor involved in the making of such decision and would not provide any advice on the decision made by the RO”.

Chapter 3.9(b) of the Proposed Guidelines describes the requirement by which a candidate must declare (through signing a “Confirmation Form” by the EAC) that he would uphold the Basic Law and pledge allegiance to the HKSAR.

It is totally unclear whether a Confirmation Form duly signed by a candidate is itself sufficient to discharge the candidate’s duty to declare his willingness to uphold the Basic Law and pledge allegiance to the HKSAR when he is elected to the office.

Previous elections showed that an RO, who was a civil servant (pitched at Administrative Officer Staff Grade C / District Officer) appointed to the role of RO prior to the election, could make subjective and arbitrary judgment about a candidate’s state of mind and political orientation, with selective reference to some or a few past writings, speeches, statements, expression of opinions, posts in social media platforms in relation to the candidate, instead of merely looking at a Confirmation Form duly signed.

I find it outrageous to see that Ms. Anne Teng, then District Officer (Eastern) appointed to the role of RO in a legislative council by-election last year, could refuse to acknowledge a confirmation form signed by Miss Agnes Chow Ting and disqualify her, citing absurd and arbitrary reasons with reference to some of Miss Chow’s previous remarks or those of her political party, and without giving Miss Chow a fair opportunity to respond to those reasons uttered unreasonably by the RO.

The Proposed Guidelines shows that the EAC has failed its duty to introduce any additional safeguard or measures to plug this unreasonable, unlawful and unconstitutional loophole, which may still be freely exploited by any RO in the next election driven by bad faith and political motive.

It is unacceptable that the EAC could confess that it is “neither empowered nor involved in the making of such decision and would not provide any advice on the decision made by the RO” (Chapter 3.1). I question how the EAC can still “ensure that an election is conducted openly, fairly and honestly at all times” – its statutory duty enshrined in the Electoral Affairs Commission Ordinance - when it is not involved in scrutinising or monitoring the exercise of an RO’s power in disqualifying any candidate at the RO’s own political preference.

The Guidelines did not describe in detail how an RO could, on his or her own, research during the short nomination period the political belief and past sayings of any candidate. The Guidelines are also silent as to whether the RO would have received biased or secret advice from any agency such as Department of Justice, Constitutional and Mainland Affairs Bureau, Home Affairs Department, Information Services Department, etc., which may have compiled a detailed recollection of a candidate’s previous remarks in advance. It was suggested by some that such a compilation of speech or opinion records prepared by any agency other than the RO could have assisted the RO unlawfully in reaching a dangerous disqualification decision to deprive a candidate of the right to stand for the election.

I must remind the EAC that the right to stand for election is a fundamental right guaranteed under the Basic Law and the Hong Kong Bill of Rights. The United Nations Human Rights Committee’s General Comment 25 also states that “political opinion may not be used as a ground to deprive any person of the right to stand for election.”

I am disappointed to see that the proposed Guidelines have not offered anything substantive to protect a candidate from the RO’s unlawful interference in the election by disqualifying candidates he or she dislikes. The EAC must look at this carefully to see what it can do.

The current remedy about determining the lawfulness of an RO’s disqualification decision through an election petition to be adjudicated later by the court one or two years after the actual election is totally unsatisfactory, with the lapse of time which delays the timely delivery of a just outcome.

I stress that I object to Chapter 3 of the Proposed Guidelines in its entirety. I urge you to review all the processes described in Chapter 3 again and independently. In so doing, you must resist all political considerations wrongly dictated by the Chief Executive, Constitutional and Mainland Affairs Bureau, Department of Justice, or other government agency seeking to disturb the fairness and integrity of the forthcoming district council election.

Yours sincerely,

XXXX

更新：有熱心網友翻譯為中文版，並對原文作出修訂，請隨便share／修改：

10 July 2019

選舉管理委員會主席 鈞啓

選舉管理委員會主席鈞鑒： 關於區議會選舉活動建議指引公眾諮詢事宜

本人謹致函對建議指引第三章表達反對意見。建議指引第三章將賦予政府不公平、不公正以及不被箝制的權力，容許政府於提名階段取消香港市民的參選資格，以迎合政府自身的政治目的。

建議指引第三章第一部分（3.1）指：「根據法例，候選人的提名是否有效 ，完全是由選舉主任作出決定，選管會無權並一向沒有參與， 亦不會給予任何意見。」
建議指引第三章3.9(b) 要求候選人透過簽署選管會擬備的確認書表明他／她擁護《基本法》並保證對香港特別行政區效忠。

至於候選人是否能夠簽署確認書就能滿足擁護《基本法》並保證對香港特別行政區效忠的要求，建議指引對此完全沒有清晰交代。

過往選舉顯示，首長級丙級政務官／民政事務專員級別的公務員於選舉前獲委任為選舉主任，便能夠就候選人的思緒及政治取向作出主觀且隨意獨斷的決定，並只需揀選候選人往日曾經發表的文章、言論、宣言、意見表達、社交媒體帖文以及社交媒體專頁發佈關於對候選人的帖文穿鑿附會，當作輔證，而非僅以候選人是否有簽署確認書為單獨基礎作判斷。

去年立法會補選，時任東區民政事務專員鄧如欣獲委任為選舉主任，居然拒絕周庭小姐簽署的確認書，以周庭小姐及其所屬政黨昔日的言論去佐證選舉主任荒唐的理由，去褫奪周庭小姐的參選資格，並且沒有給予周庭小姐公平機會回應選舉主任的無理指控，實在令人憤慨。

由建議指引可見，選舉管理委員會並無引入任何措施或保障，去堵塞上述不合理、不合法、不合憲的漏洞。今後選舉主任依然可以使用此漏洞，依據其個人的政治目的或理念，惡意褫奪任何香港市民的參選資格。

選舉管理委員會於第三章第一部分（3.1）指：「根據法例，候選人的提名是否有效 ，完全是由選舉主任作出決定，選管會無權並一向沒有參與， 亦不會給予任何意見。」此點完全不可接受。當選舉管理委員會對選舉主任按其個人政治取向褫奪候選人參選資格的權力不作任何箝制、監察或審查， 又能如何履行其法定職責，「確保在香港舉行的選舉是以公開、公平和誠實的方式進行」呢？

建議指引並無對選舉主任如何可於短促的提名期內研究並審查任何候選人的政治理念及昔日言論有任何著墨。 建議指引亦未有論及選舉主任會否收到其他機構的秘密意見或者偏頗意見。上述的其他機構，例如律政司、內地及政制事務局、民政事務總署或政府新聞處等，可能預先詳細記錄相關候選人的昔日言論。據悉，上述由第三方準備的詳細記錄可能不合法地導致選舉主任作出褫奪候選人選舉資格的危險決定。

本人必須提醒選舉管理委員會，被選舉權是獲香港基本法及香港人權法案保障的基本權利。聯合國人權事務委員會第25號一般性意見亦指出：「不得以政治見解為由剝奪任何人參加競選的權利。」

本人對建議指引並未就保障候選人不被選舉主任按其個人喜惡褫奪資格，防止選舉主任非法干預選舉採取任何措施深感失望。選舉管理委員會必須詳細檢視自己對上述問題有何解決方法。

就選舉主任褫奪參選資格的合法性，目前透過選舉呈請，並於選舉完結一兩年後由法庭裁決的安排實在強差人意。當中所耗的時間令公義遲來。
本人對建議指引第三章完全反對。本人懇求主席重新並獨立審視第三章所包含的所有程序。在重新審視的時候，懇請閣下撇除並抗拒所有政治考量，尤其是來自行政長官、政制及事務內地局、律政司及其他政府機構企圖干預未來區議會選舉的誠信和公平性的政治考量。

敬祝 鈞安 XXXXXXXX 敬上

2019年7月9日

安迪·巴拉加尼道地印度香料咖哩►https://smarturl.it/85ujjd
當克里斯·摩洛哥參加挑戰時，只有一件事激勵他：擊敗安迪·巴拉加尼。 我們挑戰克里斯摩洛哥，讓他自己製作泰式炒河粉的速度比外送到達的速度更快。 他能成功挑戰嗎？
#神廚外送大對決 #泰式炒河粉 #泰式料理

【 其他熱門主題】
讓喜歡的事變生活！Good Job！ ► http://smarturl.it/r7si6s
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唐綺陽12星座深入剖析 ► http://smarturl.it/in8eqp
美容編輯正芳隨你問 ► http://smarturl.it/zf5840
口音、服裝專家拆解經典電影 ► http://smarturl.it/zcbgmf
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※關於時尚，VOGUE說了算！自從1892年第一本VOGUE在美國出版以來，至今已有122年的歷史，始終被時尚專業人士所推崇，因此榮譽為Fashion Bible時尚聖經。
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※台灣VOGUE隸屬Condé Nast Interculture Group，相關國外影片皆由國外授權提供給台灣使用，台灣VOGUE秉持服務網友，讓更多中文語系觀眾可以看到國際影片跟中文字幕，所以在此頻道分享給大家，如果喜歡我們的頻道，請訂閱我們，我們將會持續努力帶來更多優質內容。

在家也能做道地印度香料咖哩雞►https://smarturl.it/85ujjd
Harold Villarosa和我們一樣，都是吃左宗棠雞長大的。 節目組向 Harold 提出挑戰，讓他製作自己的左宗棠雞，比外賣到達的速度更快。 他能接受挑戰嗎？
疫情期間正在尋找一種方法來支持餐廳和在家做飯？ 像 Harold 在這個新視頻中所做的那樣去訂購您個人最喜歡的外賣菜餚，並嘗試在他們到達前在家中烹飪。 你把錢投入餐飲業，同時也挑戰自己，你會獲得地將例包括吃到雙倍的食物。看看吃左宗棠雞長大的哈羅德是否可以做出相似於外賣的版本。
#神廚外送大對決 #左宗棠雞 #炒飯

【 其他熱門主題】
讓喜歡的事變生活！Good Job！ ► http://smarturl.it/r7si6s
芭蕾舞者們的血淚史 ► http://smarturl.it/uhot5l
唐綺陽12星座深入剖析 ► http://smarturl.it/in8eqp
美容編輯正芳隨你問 ► http://smarturl.it/zf5840
口音、服裝專家拆解經典電影 ► http://smarturl.it/zcbgmf
---------------------------------------------------------------
【追蹤 VOGUE TAIWAN】
★訂閱VOGUE TAIWAN Youtube：http://smarturl.it/xbtuuy
★VOGUE TAIWAN 官網：http://www.vogue.com.tw/live/
★VOGUE TAIWAN Facebook：https://www.facebook.com/VogueTW/
★VOGUE TAIWAN Instagram：https://www.instagram.com/voguetaiwan/
★VOGUE TAIWAN LINE：https://reurl.cc/V66qNn
★美人會不會 FB社團：http://hyperurl.co/rgfitl



▷ Make sure you subscribe to my channel and hit the notification bell, so you don’t miss any of my new videos → http://smarturl.it/xbtuuy
--------------------------------------------
※關於時尚，VOGUE說了算！自從1892年第一本VOGUE在美國出版以來，至今已有122年的歷史，始終被時尚專業人士所推崇，因此榮譽為Fashion Bible時尚聖經。
--------------------------------------------
※台灣VOGUE隸屬Condé Nast Interculture Group，相關國外影片皆由國外授權提供給台灣使用，台灣VOGUE秉持服務網友，讓更多中文語系觀眾可以看到國際影片跟中文字幕，所以在此頻道分享給大家，如果喜歡我們的頻道，請訂閱我們，我們將會持續努力帶來更多優質內容。

炸雞漢堡主廚v.s外送員誰速度比較快 ►https://smarturl.it/y9r3ph
也許沒有比香料烤雞咖哩更經典的印度外賣菜了。 在主廚 Palak Patel 的幫助下，我們向 Andy Baraghani 提出挑戰，讓他製作自己的香料烤雞咖哩比外送員送達所需的時間更快。 Harold 和 Chrissy 在他們的 Take on Takeout 劇集中都挑戰成功。 安迪能接受挑戰嗎？
#神廚外送大對決 #印度烤雞咖哩 #馬薩拉香料雞肉

【 其他熱門主題】
讓喜歡的事變生活！Good Job！ ► http://smarturl.it/r7si6s
芭蕾舞者們的血淚史 ► http://smarturl.it/uhot5l
唐綺陽12星座深入剖析 ► http://smarturl.it/in8eqp
美容編輯正芳隨你問 ► http://smarturl.it/zf5840
口音、服裝專家拆解經典電影 ► http://smarturl.it/zcbgmf
---------------------------------------------------------------
【追蹤 VOGUE TAIWAN】
★訂閱VOGUE TAIWAN Youtube：http://smarturl.it/xbtuuy
★VOGUE TAIWAN 官網：http://www.vogue.com.tw/live/
★VOGUE TAIWAN Facebook：https://www.facebook.com/VogueTW/
★VOGUE TAIWAN Instagram：https://www.instagram.com/voguetaiwan/
★VOGUE TAIWAN LINE：https://reurl.cc/V66qNn
★美人會不會 FB社團：http://hyperurl.co/rgfitl



▷ Make sure you subscribe to my channel and hit the notification bell, so you don’t miss any of my new videos → http://smarturl.it/xbtuuy
--------------------------------------------
※關於時尚，VOGUE說了算！自從1892年第一本VOGUE在美國出版以來，至今已有122年的歷史，始終被時尚專業人士所推崇，因此榮譽為Fashion Bible時尚聖經。
--------------------------------------------
※台灣VOGUE隸屬Condé Nast Interculture Group，相關國外影片皆由國外授權提供給台灣使用，台灣VOGUE秉持服務網友，讓更多中文語系觀眾可以看到國際影片跟中文字幕，所以在此頻道分享給大家，如果喜歡我們的頻道，請訂閱我們，我們將會持續努力帶來更多優質內容。