Time for a decisive battle (Lee Yee)
I wrote yesterday that “when the number of disqualified candidates reaches the maximum, the international community would come forth”. My friend reckons this a “new strategy”. Instead of a strategy, it is, I would say, the last option left by the National Security Law. Some agree, while others do not. A few raise questions or doubts. Here are my thoughts.
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The US is leading the fight, with Japan coordinating with the foreign ministers of seven countries, the European Union claiming to indict China in the International Court of Justice in Hague, and the civilized world reacting way more intensely to the NSL than to the violation of human rights in Xinjiang concentration camp. Mike Pompeo’s comments, like “rogue behaviour” and “a choice between freedom and tyranny”, are harsh enough. All of this begs the question of what the US and the West are waiting for. With the NSL draft already released, why did Pompeo ask people to wait and see the results of the Legislative Council (LegCo) Election in September?
Although the NSL is disapproved by most of the civilized countries, both verbal censure and actual sanctions hinge on the LegCo Election in September - “an essential indicator”. But Why?
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Pompeo has made it clear that if the CCP makes Hong Kong the same as Shanghai or Shen Zhen in the LegCo Election, the US will take Hong Kong as just another city in China, which means revoking all special treatment Hong Kong has been enjoying. Hong Kongers will be apparently victimized with a bitterly crumbling economy, even though Pompeo has not exactly said so.
Are Hong Kongers willing to be on the receiving end of it all? If Hong Kong’s pro-democracy camp shows acceptance of the NSL at the nomination stage of the LegCo Election, and gets elected with considerable votes, then the message delivered to the US would be that Hong Kongers are prepared to surrender to tyranny. To this end, the US will stop short of being meddlesome while deploying all defensive moves against Hong Kong like what it has been doing against China.
However, if Hong Kongers take to the streets as fiercely as what they did in the anti-extradition protests last year, it will go without saying that these freedom fighters are willing to stand at the frontline of global defence against tyranny.
The referendum on NSL walkout held last Saturday, which was not well publicized and prepared, has projected a wrong message to the international community: not many people are up in arms over the NSL. In light of this, the message conveyed to the world by the LegCo Election is pivotal.
The abovementioned pertain to the external situation. Internally, I have come across many online comments made by those who have no confidence in the pan-democracy camp. They believe there must be some candidates from the pan-democracy camp who will approve of the NSL in a bid to get qualified for the election, and urge the public to vote for them for collective interests. Some say that the incumbent legislators did not even dare to object to the National Anthem Law, not to mention saying no to the NSL. They suspect that the pan-democracy camp would sign an election agreement in which supporting the NSL is part of the deal, or the candidates would answer yes when asked by returning officers whether they side with the NSL, in order to take a seat in the LegCo.
Soon comes the primary election for the pro-democracy camp, and their real stance will be revealed in the debates.
The predicament Hong Kong is facing looks grim. The pan-democracy camp might not succumb to the NSL for being qualified for the election. But in case they do, I hope all the young people who care about the future of Hong Kong enroll in the election at their discretion, regardless of the primary election results, prescriptions or ethics. The more candidates running for seats of the LegCo, the voice are more widely spread. Imagine the picture when hundreds of candidates are disqualified. How can the US stand by?
If the Chinese Communist Party decides to step back for a while, and selectively disqualify a few youngsters, will too many candidates on the list dilute the votes and as a result only few are elected? Don’t worry. If that happens, some candidates from the pro-democracy camp will have to drop out in an attempt to secure enough votes for the seats. In election forums, the pro-establishment camp is bound to lose in the debates about the NSL. That being said, anyone who blatantly disapproves of the NSL is almost certainly to be disqualified.
Tam Yiuchung has mentioned that candidates must sign an agreement to show support for the Basic Law, and pledge loyalty to Hong Kong SAR. It is harmless to do so with these two terms, yet in no circumstances should they sign an agreement to show support for the NSL for the reason that so many clauses in the NSL violate the Basic Law. Their refusal should be made public so that the whole world knows how many LegCo candidates are disqualified after saying no to the NSL.
The NSL for Hong Kong has already been deplored by all civilized countries. The focus should be put on the revolt against the NSL in this LegCo Election. Other slogans like “independence of Hong Kong”, “self-determination”, “five demands”, and “liberate Hong Kong”, etc. should give way to avoid losing focus. The US and the western civilization only focus on the NSL for Hong Kong. The LegCo election is a decisive battle that is worth a fight.
