The silent revolution (Lee Yee)
Before democrats’ primaries, except for one or two Hong Kong government officials jibber-jabbering sporadically, major bureaucrats from Beijing and Hong Kong had been very reticent about it. But afterward, Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office, the Liaison Office of the Central People's Government and Carrie Lam denounced in tandem that the primaries were a breach of the Basic Law, the National Security Law as well as the electoral law, yet without uttering which article of them. Why? Perhaps it was due to another wrongly projected scenario by the Chinese Communist Party. In view of the media being nonchalant about the primaries and Tai Yiuting being unconfident in drawing in one-tenth of the pro-democracy electorate(170 thousand voters), they had thought that citizens were apathetic towards the primaries. If that was what it all amounted to, there was nothing to worry about, and they would surely be glad to see it end in fiasco.
Who would have thought that as many as 610 thousand voters who had kept a low profile would have swarmed the polling stations to take the whole world aback? Though the communist China and Hong Kong hastily took remedial actions right away, it was already too late. The primaries already shocked the world.
A wise young man has called on me lately. He put forward a few questions, the first of which was: Which four among all major events in the past year including 6.9, 6.12, 6.16, 7.1, 7.21, 8.31, siege to the Chinese University of Hong Kong and Hong Kong Polytechnic University do you pick to best encapsulate the entire course of the movement?
My answer was: Being a watcher and critic, I’m far from being able to encapsulate the entire movement, but since the start of the anti-extradition movement, there have been a lot of incidents boggling my mind, or more specifically getting me awakened, while changing my perceptual knowledge thoroughly.
The first event is 6.12. Before that day, I had not believed the extradition amendment bill would be laid aside for the communist China and Hong Kong’s resolve was so decided and the pro-establishment faction, the majority in the Legislative Council, had declared support for it, not to mention the government proclaimed on the night right after the 6.9 one million people demonstration that the Second Reading debate on the bill would be resumed. I was concerned about the safety of the protesters who charged, and deemed the radical behaviors useless. Though I understood why the young people did so, I did not find the valiant attempts in the protests desirable. After 6.12, my conception has altered and the five appeals put forward since have been prevailing.
The second event is 6.28. Nothing happened in Hong Kong that day when leaders of various countries converged for G20 summit in Osaka, Japan. Less than a week before, some young people had advocated crowdfunding 3 million dollars for advertising on front pages of influential newspapers in different languages all around the world. Fundraising aside, based on my half-a-century experience in news publication, it is hardly possible to pull it off. But they did it jaw-droppingly well beyond doubt. Even though the leaders of G20 did not react forthwith, the global attention being drawn to Hong Kong and the Hong Kong’s story being ushered into the international arena by the advertisement are indisputable facts. The thought-provoking courage of the young people reshaped my appraisal of the new generation of Hong Kong.
The third event is 7.21+8.31. This two-in-one incident totally transmuted my impression on Hong Kong police. Citizens come into contact with police officers more than any civil servants. The complexion of the police is the complexion of the city. When police officers become public security officers, Hong Kong becomes a place I am no longer familiar with.
The forth event is siege to the Chinese University of Hong Kong and Polytechnic University plus the District Council election. Before the District Council voting, young people had kept on charging valiantly with support from the public, and some citizens had complained about traffic inconvenience caused by the protests. When the day of election was nearing, the society was surprisingly peaceful. Would ordinary citizens, mostly self-absorbed, support the protest? In the end, the turnout and results of the election were dumb-founding. The misjudgement by communist China and Hong Kong became laughingstock. The Chinese officials in charge of Hong Kong affairs stepped down or got demoted.
Every time my mind was boggled, I came at something in one way or another and was somehow awakened through self-reflection. Looking at the primaries of democrats under the threat of the National Security Law, I realized that Hong Kongers on the whole have completely mutated in the past year. All the events that all citizens can take part have been undergoing fundamental changes. Those who keep a low profile will creep into our view to take us aback.
A silent revolution is ongoing. There is no turning back for Hong Kong. When Hong Kongers reminisce about the current “darkest hour” in future, they will find out that in fact that was the “best time”.
(Lee Yee, a prominent political commentator in Hong Kong who embarked on a career of writing and subediting in 1956, has been contributing unremittingly political commentaries to the local press.)
appraisal right 在 姐死姐還在 Facebook 的精選貼文
《林鄭月娥嘅appraisal》
作為一個資深嘅職場small potato, 經常都批評高層,阿姐阿哥嘅不是。有啲人就話啦,你又冇做高層嘅能力,有咩資格批評阿哥阿姐呢?其實呢個說法好唔合理,即使你係一個醜婦, 唔代表你冇判斷能力,分辨出邊個香港小姐候選佳麗係最靚。可能大家未必有勝任阿哥阿姐嘅能力,但講到批評阿哥阿姐嘅才能,各位職場small potato都應該好有經驗,不如今日同林鄭月娥呢個打工仔做個appraisal 。
我成日覺得政府,建制派好鍾意強調林鄭月娥好打得,盡咗力,但我哋係需要一個有能力嘅人,而唔係盡咗力嘅蠢人,我唔會因為你好人,盡咗力,你好無奈,好多嘢都做唔到而收貨。 leadership is not being nice, it's about being right and being strong.
再者我亦唔覺得林鄭月娥嘅為人係nice, 退而求其次,唔講佢incapable, 唔講佢stupid, 但係呢兩三個月, 佢連同理心我都睇唔到。每當有示威者,學生,青年人受傷犧牲入獄,林鄭月娥連最基本嘅同理心,扮關懷,都演繹得極之薄弱。
作為一個打工仔,真係覺得林鄭月娥show 唔到佢對份工嘅熱誠,完全冇passion at work,唔夠aggressive。林鄭月娥經常都表現到好無奈,畀人睇得出佢暗啞底嘅內心說話:我都係打份工啫,唔好為難我啦,其實我做到嘅嘢好有限。佢成日以下屬嘅心態去做一個上司,明明佢已經升咗職,佢嗰份服從同聽話,好似意識唔到自己已經升咗做一個地區嘅首長。佢係夾心階層,大家都知,佢係好多嘢爭取唔到,係人都知,但林鄭畀人一個感覺,係連「扮爭取」都費事。
大家都心知肚明,佢係leader, 但係佢唔係big boss,作為呢個中間人, 其實係需要好女兩頭瞞嘅 skill, 但佢成日都有兩頭唔到岸嘅感覺,既應付唔到上邊,又氹唔掂下邊。
而佢作為一個師奶,喺男權當道嘅政壇, 既得唔到男政客嘅必然優勢,但又冇善用自己女性嘅身份,連普通嘅記者會,講說話晦氣又冇禮貌,經常都畀人一種挑釁嘅感覺,畀男人睇唔起,又籠絡唔到女人嘅同情。
最後係,大家都知道夜場無真心,職場無真愛,作為一個打工仔, 我哋同林鄭其實一樣,日日都諗住辭職,但寧畀人知,莫畀人見。一日未辭職,無理由證據落喺全世界嘅手中,辭職錄音通天,係同喺公司printer 見到有人print其他公司嘅job application form一樣,有證有據咁斷正就唔好啦!
其實打工做嘢冇能力嘅時候,就要講演技㗎喇! 係人都知你唔想做㗎啦, 但你連演技都冇,你又點好意思叫霞姨留個飯盒比你呢 ?
appraisal right 在 利世民 Facebook 的最佳貼文
【全民媒體】給有意投身證券業的年青人 – 面試篇 (上集)(老狐狸)
自前一篇給有意投身證券業的年青人上載後,引來很多不俗的評價,加上小弟的一隻愛股雅天妮(789)爆上,一時間查問股票和想投身呢行的年青人私訊如雪花咁湧埋黎,幸好呢期的Appraisal接近尾聲,否則好難快速回覆各位的查詢。
老狐狸當初開設專頁,就是想建立一個可以跟大眾接觸的小平台作交流,不想自己的文章無償地給人作宣傳工具和賣課程的工具,寧可在另一平台全民媒體上載,加開一個小小的fb fan-club作交流,當初目標希望在2015年內取得1,000名fans,承蒙錯愛,自14年12月6日開設了自己的FB專頁以來,未到兩個月時間已有超過800個fans,反應遠超小弟的預期,真的感恩。但亦借呢個機會俾大家知道「老狐狸」專頁只是one man band,沒資金支持,沒有助手,所有野都係出自老狐狸的手,故對電腦能力有限的老狐狸確係有點難度。
作為一個入行廿多年的老seafood,宜家開始希望把自己的小小心得傳承下去,但工作關係,老狐狸不會公開搞甚麼財技班、進階班、操盤班、實戰班、高級實戰班、金牌實戰發達班,又或者教金鐘罩第10重天,之後一定練第11重天咁,務求把閣下的一分一毫搾盡。(主要係唔想推介完出街俾人揼,更不想誤人子弟)。
有網友話你上次講左入行前的心態,不如講下應該點面試喎,好啦,今次就講下以老狐狸的標準如何去選擇面試者,原先打算一篇過,但打打下又太長,所以都係分番上下集。
好,開始啦,準備好未?
面試最簡單的道理係,你愈留得耐就機會愈大,所以第一大原則係: 你千祈唔好乞人憎
學歷 / 經驗
呢行係好現實既,你無料係唔會有機會俾你,好簡單,你係一個中學畢業,如果我請了你之後出左事,我又好難同老細解釋既,所以一般大學學位係基本了。
如果係經紀,我又唔會理既,最緊要你有客咯。
衣著 / 化妝
無論你in 乜野位,只要你in 金融業的位置,基本上的要求都差不多,金融業係一個先敬羅衣後敬人的行業,呢行d人都比較鍾意睇靚野,著得好D始終都係著數DD。
男生:西裝打呔,但不要見到頭皮,不要頭髮蓬鬆,記得剃鬚,衣著整潔,切忌D衣著霉霉爛爛、恤衫發黃,注要體味等等。
女生:一般套裝,著裙一定比著褲著數,化淡妝,少量香水。切忌濃妝抺艷,勁SHOW身裁,因為我們不是夜場,雖然我地可能like,但場合不同嘛,就算負責面試那位想睇都唔好意思啦。
無論係男定女,記得入面試室前照一照鏡,記得老狐狸好耐之前見過有兩個candidates,男的一入房有陣汗臭味,仲有少少口氣(遠處都聞到),我都盡快完成面試,試問你仲有無機會。另一個女的外表都嗒得杯落,但面試途中見到佢雙眼之間有眼屎,咀角有口沫,結果唔傾得耐,叮走。
至於你話靚仔靚女係咪著數d?老狐狸同好多行家都有傾過,靚女一定有著數,單單係你面試都傾耐d啦,之後如果入埋你個team唔打得都睇得,right? 至於男仔,我就覺得太靚仔我反而唔like,多隻香爐多隻鬼,後生仔俾心機做啦。
如大家有興趣,歡迎大家加老狐狸的FANPAGE交流下啦
http://ift.tt/1u6mo7n
老狐狸
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An appraisal right is the statutory right of a corporation's minority shareholders to have the fair price of their stock be determined by a judicial ... ... <看更多>